Islamabad: Supreme court of Pakistan issued dissenting note of Justice Mansoor Ali Shah in Justice Qazi Faiz Esa case which is consist of 268 pages.
Complete text of dissenting note of Justice Mansoor Ali Shah.
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 1
Syed Mansoor Ali Shah, J.-
Introduction
While it appears that this case is about the independence
and accountability of a judge, it is truly about the independence
and accountability of our institutions. It raises the questions: Are
we governed by the Constitution and the Rule of Law or can the
Government of the day conveniently get off the constitutional rails
to suit its ends and come prying into the private lives of its citizens
in disregard of their constitutional rights? Can a Special Assistant1
to the Prime Minister, acting as Chairman, ARU,2 assume a role
larger than the statutory institutions of the State and spearhead
investigation and surveillance into the life and conduct of a judge
of the highest constitutional court, sidestepping the prescribed
constitutional process? Can the Special Assistant wield power over
statutory institutions like FBR, NADRA and FIA without any
sanction of law? Can a Law Minister, ignore the law, the
Constitution and the statutory institutions of the State and permit
ARU to entertain, investigate and collect evidence on a private
complaint against a constitutional court judge? Is the Law Minister
justified to place a Summary based upon the evidence so collected,
before the Prime Minister for approval? Is there a level of
responsibility expected of the Prime Minister, who is the Chief
Executive of the Federation and Head of the Cabinet, in approving
Summaries placed before him? In a matter no less serious than the
removal of a judge of the highest court in the land, was the Prime
Minister required to inquire how the “information” placed before
him was collected and whether the information collected actually
made out a case of “misconduct” against the Petitioner Judge or is
the Prime Minister to impetuously approve Summaries without any
application of mind? Can Government in a constitutional
democracy be driven by personal bias, malice, intolerance and
bigotry or should an institutional process run it with collegiality,
transparency, fairness, openness, diversity and inclusiveness as its
hallmarks? Are we to expand our frontiers of freedom as we mature
into a democracy and strengthen our constitutional guarantees
1
The substantive legal post of Chairman, ARU, is that of a Special Assistant to the Prime
Minister.
2
Asset Recovery Unit ( discussed in detail later)
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 2
with renewed confidence and enthusiasm or regress into darkness
by permitting unconstitutional acts that allow muffling of a critical
judicial voice in the name of judicial accountability? This case
makes us think, whether we want our future generations to
descend into a dystopia or grow up into a vibrant democracy with
an understanding and conviction that “in a democracy, the State is
neither with us nor against us. It is us.”3
- I concurred with the conclusion of the Majority recorded in
the Short Order dated 19.6.2020, whereby the Reference filed
against Justice Qazi Faez Isa was quashed and the subsequent
proceedings before the Supreme Judicial Council stood abated. I
have gone through the Majority Judgment and, with respect, hold
a different view of the Constitution, the law and the facts of the
case and have been unable to subscribe to the logic and reasoning
of the Majority view. I have, therefore, penned my own reasons for
quashing the Reference. I am also unable to agree with the
directions4 issued by the Majority in the Short Order and have
given reasons for my dissent later in the judgment.
Judicial Independence and Judicial Accountability - “I have always thought…that the greatest scourge of angry
heaven ever inflicted upon an ungrateful and a sinning people was
an ignorant, a corrupt or a dependent judiciary,” said John
Marshall.5 Judicial independence and judicial accountability are
two sides of the same coin and one cannot co-exist without the
other. Therefore, to compromise on judicial accountability is to
compromise on our freedoms guaranteed under the Constitution;
the Rule of Law; Independence of Judiciary; and Democracy itself.
We all know that the court cannot buy support for its decisions by
spending money or use force to coerce obedience of its decrees. The
court’s power lies in its legitimacy, a product of substance and
perception that shows itself in the people’s acceptance of the
judiciary as fit to determine what the law means and to declare
what it demands. The court’s concern with legitimacy is not for the
sake of the court but for the sake of the nation to which it is
3
Jonathan Sumption, Trials of the State: Law and the Decline of Politics (2019).
4
Paragraphs 4-11 of the Short Order dated 19.06.2020.
5
Fourth Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court (1801-1835) – see Fazal Karim, Judicial
Review of Public Actions, p.282, Vol-1 (2nd ed.).
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 3
responsible.6 Foundations of judicial institution stand on public
confidence and public trust that lend it legitimacy and public
acceptance. Institutional legitimacy of the judiciary, in turn, is
grounded in judicial integrity of the judges. According to John
Marshall, ignorance, corruption and dependence of a judge are the
evils that tarnish judicial integrity; Our Constitution also lays
down the measure of judicial integrity of a judge. While taking oath
a constitutional court judge makes a solemn promise before God
that he will discharge his duties and perform his functions
honestly and faithfully in accordance with the Constitution and the
law; that he will not allow his personal interest to influence his
official conduct or decisions; that he will abide by the code of
conduct issued by the Supreme Judicial Council; and that he will
always preserve, protect and defend the Constitution. This is the
constitutional requirement of judicial integrity. A judge is to always
tread the path of the Constitution and the law, must possess
strength of character to never give in to external influence for
personal benefit, and must be bold and courageous to always
stand for the Constitution and to preserve, protect and defend it.
Any compromise on this sacred promise with God, is to comprise
judicial integrity.
- While judicial accountability is critical for upholding the
legitimacy of the judicial institution, equally important is the right
of a Judge to enjoy the protection of law and to be treated in
accordance with law. Judicial accountability, like any other
accountability, must be according to the standards of due process
guaranteed under Article 4 of the Constitution. We must
remember that public confidence and public trust in the legitimacy
of the judicial institution can only be attained when judges decide
without fear or favour, in accordance with law, even while sitting in
judgment over the affairs of their own colleague. While dealing with
judicial accountability we are not to project a forced image of selfaccountability to win accolades of the public or make extra effort to
win over public confidence. We are to simply decide in accordance
with the Constitution and the law – come what may.
6
see: Planned Parenthood v. Casey, 505 U.S. 833 (1992)
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 4
Brief Facts
- Justice Qazi Faez Isa (“Petitioner Judge”) being part of a two
Member Bench of this Court authored judgment in Suo Motu Case
No.7 of 2017, known as Faizabad Dharna case,7 decided on
February 6, 2019, and made certain observations therein as to
the 2014 Dharna of the current main ruling political party (PTI),
the role of the coalition ruling party (MQM) at the time of Karachi
incident of 2007, and the interference by the Military Intelligence
Agencies in politics and freedom of Media. It was also directed in
the judgment that proceedings should be taken against military
officers who had violated their oath of office by engaging in political
activity. Several review petitions were filed against that judgment,
including the petitions by the PTI, MQM, and Ministry of Defense,
Government of Pakistan, in March, 2019. The Ministry’s petition
sought for expunction of the observations and directions made
regarding the Military Intelligence Agencies and its officers. The PTI
and MQM (the political parties currently in Government), in their
review petitions, asserted that the Petitioner Judge by making the
objectionable observations in the judgment had violated his Oath
of Office and Code of Conduct for Judges and was liable to be
removed from office under Article 209 of the Constitution. This
assertion of removal was made only against the Petitioner Judge,
and not against the other learned Member of the Bench. - Soon thereafter, one Abdul Waheed Dogar (“Complainant”)
made a complaint titled “Accountability of Judges” to the Asset
Recovery Unit (“ARU”), housed in the Prime Minister’s Office, on
April 10, 2019, against the Petitioner Judge and two other judges
of the constitutional courts. The complainant alleged that these
judges owned offshore properties. A meeting of the ARU was held
on April 15, 2019 to discuss the complaint at the residence of the
Chairman, ARU in the Minister’s Colony, Islamabad, and it was
decided in that meeting that since the matter pertained to the
Judges of Superior Judiciary the opinion of the Law Minister
should be sought. The Chairman and certain Members of the ARU
met the Law Minister in his office on April 16, 2019 who advised
orally that before taking any further action, the ARU should check
7
PLD 2019 SC 318.
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 5
the veracity of the allegations contained in the complaint. No
formal correspondence took place between the ARU and the Law
Ministry, in this regard. The Chairman, ARU, after that meeting,
tasked Barrister Zia Naseem, Legal Expert of the ARU, to verify the
property details attached with the complaint, and further conduct
a wider property search in the names of persons mentioned in the
complaint and of their family members. He also tasked Mr.
Muhammad Rizwan, Member of the ARU from FIA, to obtain
identification documents of persons mentioned in the complaint,
copies of their CNICs and passports, all visas, if any, family tree
and travel history. On the suggestion of Mr. Muhammad Ashfaq
Ahmad, Member of the ARU from FBR, the Chairman decided to
forward the complaint through a formal letter to the Chairman,
FBR for assessment and analysis into declaration of assets of
persons mentioned in the complaint. The Legal Expert of ARU
submitted his report about UK properties in the name of the
spouse and children of the Petitioner Judge, on May 8, 2019. The
Member of ARU from FIA submitted his report on May 10, 2019.
Assistant Commissioner (IR), Commissioner (IR), and DG,
(International Taxes)/Member of ARU from FBR, all three,
submitted their reports on May 10, 2019. The Chairman, ARU
then made his final Report on May 10, 2019 after examining all
the reports and record submitted to him by the Legal Expert and
Members of the ARU, and dispatched it to the Law Minister on the
very same day, i.e., May 10, 2019. The Report also mentioned a
meeting of the Chairman, ARU with the complainant held to
inquire into the allegations made in the complaint.
- The Chairman, ARU thus investigated the complaint; located
properties in the UK, and obtained reports regarding record of the
Petitioner Judge and his family from the FBR, NADRA and FIA. He
found that there were three properties in the names of the spouse
and children of the Petitioner Judge in UK having been purchased
in the years 2004 and 2013 and that those properties had not been
declared by the Petitioner Judge and his family in their tax
returns. One property was initially reported to have been
purchased in 2011, but later on after filing of the Reference it was
reported to have been purchased in the year 2004. The Chairman,
ARU did not consider it fit to inquire into the alleged properties of
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 6
one other judge mentioned in the complaint after noting in the
minutes of meeting held on April 16, 2019 that the said judge had
already resigned. - The Chairman, ARU, as mentioned earlier, submitted his
report of the said investigation conducted on the complaint to the
Law Minister on May 10, 2019. The Law Ministry, made a
“Summary for the Prime Minister”, on May 17, 2019, proposing to
the Prime Minister to advise the President, under Article 48(1) of
the Constitution, to form an opinion that the Petitioner Judge may
be guilty of misconduct and direct the Council under Article 209(5)
of the Constitution to inquire into the matter. The basis for the
proposal was stated in the Summary as under:
“A judge of the Superior Court who omits to intentionally declare
three expensive London properties jointly owned by his spouse
and children, violates Section 116 of the 2001 Ordinance. The
tax records of the learned Judge and his spouse are absolutely
silent about the sources through which the said properties had
been acquired and how and from where the funds were made
available to purchase the said properties, without violating the
money laundering regime and the Foreign Exchange Regulation
Act, 1947. The said mis-declaration seems glaring. Thus, the
said Judge i.e. Justice Qazi Faez Isa appears to have committed
gross misconduct and is liable to be removed upon the
recommendations of the Supreme Judicial Council in terms of
Article 209 of Constitution.”
The draft Reference was also annexed with the Summary. On the
same day, i.e., May 17, 2019 the Prime Minister, accordingly,
advised the President to form his opinion, direct the Council and
sign the draft Reference. The President approved the Prime
Minister’s advice and signed the Reference on May 20, 2019. The
Secretary, Ministry of Law and Justice forwarded the Reference to
the Supreme Judicial Council (“Council”) on May 23, 2019. The
Secretary, Council placed the Reference before the Chairman,
Council, on May 29, 2019, and the Chairman, Council made an
order to convene the meeting of the Council for June 14, 2019 to
consider the matter. Even though the matter had not yet been
taken up in the meeting of the Council for preliminary
consideration, several newspapers published the filing of the
Reference and the allegations made therein against the Petitioner
Judge on May 28, 29, 30, 31, and June 1 and 3, 2019. Later
during the proceedings before the Council the matter was
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 7
discussed in press conferences and TV talk shows by the
Government Ministers and even by the President of Pakistan.
Issues - The constitutional and legal issues I would address are as
follows:
i. Could the Asset Recovery Unit (ARU) entertain and
investigate a complaint against the conduct of a
constitutional court judge under the law and Constitution?
ii. Was the ARU established with lawful authority under the law
and Constitution? And what was the legal status of its
Chairman?
iii. Did the ARU collect evidence in support of the allegations
made in the complaint against the Petitioner Judge in
accordance with the law and Constitution?
iv. If the answer to the above question is in the negative, could
the Law Minister and the Prime Minister rely and act upon
such evidence?
v. Was the President to form his independent personal
“opinion”, or to form the “opinion” on and in accordance with
the advice of the Prime Minister, under Article 209(5) of the
Constitution, on the “information” placed before him?
vi. Could an opinion as to the commission of misconduct be
reasonably made against the Petitioner Judge, on the
“information” given in the “Summary” and material annexed
therewith?
vii. Does publicizing the act of sending the Reference against the
Petitioner Judge and of the contents thereof attract
proceedings under Article 204 of the Constitution and
Contempt of Court Ordinance, 2003?
viii. Were the acts of entertaining the complaint, inquiring into
and collecting evidence on the allegations, and making and
filing of the Reference against the Petitioner Judge, malafide?
I endeavour to deal with these issues as per my humble
understanding of the law and Constitution.
Constitutional Process for Removal of a Constitutional Court Judge - Article 209 of the Constitution provides the process for the
removal of a constitutional court judge. A special constitutional
forum – Supreme Judicial Council – has been vested with the
exclusive jurisdiction under the Constitution to inquire into the
capacity and conduct of a constitutional court judge, and
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 8
recommend his removal. The Council is a collegium of judges
headed by the Chief Justice of Pakistan and consisting of two next
most senior judges of the Supreme Court and two most senior
Chief Justices of High Courts. The process of the Council is set in
motion when “information from any source” against a
constitutional court judge reaches the President or the Council.
Either of the two gatekeepers, as the case may be, principally
verifies and assesses the gravity of the allegations and forms an
“opinion” whether the matter calls for “inquiry” into the capacity or
conduct of the judge by the Council. - The proceedings before the Council, its report to the
President and the removal of the judge by the President under
Article 209 cannot be called in question in any court of law under
Article 211, unless the removal of the judge is without jurisdiction,
malafide or coram non judice. A limited judicial review on these
three grounds is not affected by Article 211, as no ouster clause
can keep the actions taken without jurisdiction, malafide or coram
non judice, beyond the scrutiny of the constitutional courts.8
Article 211 gives immunity to proceedings before the Council till
the removal of the judge by the President. However, proceedings
and steps taken before the matter lands before the Council escape
the immunity under Article 211. In the present case, there were
several steps that preceded the proceedings before the Council: the
filing of complaint (‘information’) by the complainant before the
ARU; the entertainment of the complaint by the ARU; the mode
and manner of dealing with the complaint by the ARU and Law
Ministry; the investigation and collection of evidence to supplement
and document the complaint by the ARU; the preparation of
“Summary” for making the Reference by the Law Ministry; the
advice of the Prime Minister on the Summary; and the approval of
that advice by the President. All these acts preceded the
proceedings before the Council and are not hit by the ouster clause
of Article 211. They are, therefore, subject to standard judicial
review like any other executive or administrative act, on the
grounds of substantive illegality, procedural impropriety and
8
see CJP Iftikhar Chaudhry v. President of Pakistan, PLD 2010 SC 61, per Khalil-ur-Rehman
Ramday, J, paras 78, 80, 83 and 85.
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 9
decisional irrationality.9 In a democracy governed by the rule of
law, where arbitrariness in any form is eschewed, no Government
or authority has the right to do whatever it pleases; where the rule
of law prevails, there is nothing like unfettered discretion or
unaccountable action.10 It is, however, underlined that a Reference
competently filed by the President against a constitutional court
judge should not ordinarily be made subject to scrutiny in judicial
review by any Constitutional Court including this Court, unless
the extraordinary circumstances demand such intervention in the
interest of justice and fair play.11
- While a citizen (a private person) can always directly
approach these forums by placing the information before them, it
is important to understand how the Government (Federal,
Provincial or Local) or its Ministries, Divisions, Departments and
officials place such “information” or complaint against a judge of a
constitutional court before the President. Can any Ministry,
Division, Attached Department or Department of the Government
on receiving any information against a constitutional court judge,
entertain it and proceed with it, or start collecting evidence or
verify the contents of the complaint? The answer to this is in the
negative in the light of Article 209(7) of the Constitution, which
mandates that the only constitutional forum available to inquire
into the conduct or capacity of a constitutional court judge is the
Council. So the Governments, its Ministries, Divisions,
Departments or Attached Departments and their officers are not
authorized to entertain any complaint against a constitutional
court judge, let alone proceed and collect evidence to supplement
the complaint. They can at best return the complaint to the
complainant and guide him to approach the constitutional forums
under Article 209 of the Constitution. - Let us take a situation where any Ministry, Division,
Attached Department or Department of the Government, in the
course of its normal business, discovers some adverse information
against a constitutional court judge that may attract impeachable
misconduct, in addition to the legal proceedings under the relevant
9
See Ibid, para 70.
10 see State of W.B v. Debasish Mukherjee, (2011) 14 SCC 187.
11 See CJP Iftikhar Chauhdry case (supra), Per Muhammad Nawaz Abbasi, J. p.215.
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 10
law. The concerned Department etc., in such situation, should at
first proceed against the constitutional court judge on the basis of
the adverse information in accordance with the law under which it
functions. For example, if it is the FBR that discovers such an
information, it can proceed against the judge under the tax laws
and the judge will have a right to defend himself in accordance
with law. Only when these proceedings come to a close after
exhausting all the legal and judicial avenues and it is finally held
that the judge has violated the law, the FBR may, in the interest of
judicial accountability, send this information to the Federal
Government through the Division with which it is attached under
the Rules of Business, 1973 (“ROB”) for information and necessary
action. It will then finally rest with the Federal Government i.e., the
Cabinet, to decide if the violation of law amounts to impeachable
misconduct and whether the Federal Government should proceed
against the constitutional court judge and place the “information”
before the President. Such process finds its justification from the
foundational constitutional principles like independence of
judiciary, rule of law and parliamentary democracy.
Entertainment of Complaint by ARU
- First and foremost, the complainant could only have
approached the constitutional forums provided under Article
209(5) of the Constitution and could not have filed the complaint
before any other office or authority. Therefore, the very act of
approaching the ARU was per se unconstitutional and illegal. It is
noted with concern and suspicion that how did the complainant, a
citizen of this country, plan on filing the complaint against a
constitutional court judge before the ARU, which had no public
interface or the legal mandate to deal with such a matter and had
earlier never conducted any inquiry for the accountability of a
constitutional court judge. There is surprisingly nothing on the
record to show how the complainant found out about ARU. The
ARU was not a Ministry or Division of any Ministry of the Federal
Government, or an Attached Department, neither was it a
statutory authority nor had the notification of its establishment
been published in the official gazette for public information. The
ARU, therefore, for all practical purposes did not legally exist for
the world outside the Prime Minister’s Office. However, the
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 11
complainant instead of approaching the Council, which would have
ordinarily come to the mind of a citizen, particularly in view of the
publically known recent removal of a High Court Judge by the
President on the recommendation of the Council,12 approached the
ARU for the accountability of judges. This looks more odd
especially when the complainant claims to be a journalist. Such an
unusual step by the complainant raises eyebrows about the
credibility of the complaint and the bonafide of the complainant.
Legal Status of ARU - The ARU was established by the Cabinet vide Notification
dated 06.11.2018. The Federation has defended the establishment
of the ARU by the Cabinet, by referring to the provisions of Rules
4(5) and 16(1)(m) of the ROB. The submission made on behalf of
the Federation was that Rule 4(5) empowers the Prime Minister to
establish agencies and offices for conducting the business of the
Federal Government, and under Rule (16)(1)(m) the Cabinet has
power to decide any matter referred to it by the Prime Minister. The
Prime Minister referred the matter of establishing the ARU to the
Cabinet, and the Cabinet thus competently approved the
establishment of the ARU. Rules 4(5) and 16(1)(m) of ROB are
reproduced here for ready reference: - Organization of Divisions.
……………………………………………………………………..
(5) The business of Government, other than the business done in
the Federal Secretariat or the Attached Departments, shall be
conducted through such agencies and offices as the Prime
Minister may determine from time to time. - Cases to be brought before the Cabinet.–(1) The following
cases shall be brought before the Cabinet:-
……………………………………………………………………………………
……………………….
(m) any case desired by the Prime Minister to be referred to the
Cabinet.
Bare reading of the provisions of Rule 4(5) makes it clear that the
said Rule does not empower the Prime Minister to establish new
agencies or offices; it simply authorizes him to refer the business of
the Government to already established agencies and offices under
the law. The word “determine” has been used in the Rule in the
context of allocation or entrustment of the business of Government
and not for the power to establish a new agency or office. In the
12 Justice Shaukat Siddiqui’s case, Report of the Council dated 11.10.2018.
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 12
absence of any power to establish a new agency or office, reference
of the matter to the Cabinet under Rule 16(1)(m) by the Prime
Minister is inconsequential, as the Cabinet also does not enjoy any
such power. The scope of the ROB made under Article 99(3) of the
Constitution cannot extend to creation of agencies or offices to
perform functions in relation to any matter to which the executive
authority of the Federation extends. Such agencies or offices can
be established only by or under some law enacted by the
Parliament on the subject over which it has the legislative power
under the Constitution. The creation of the ARU by the Cabinet,
cannot be sustained treating it as an Attached Department of the
Cabinet Division also. The Departments that have been declared as
Attached Departments to particular Divisions are created by or
under the law, and not by the Federal Government.13 The Federal
Government, as per Rules 2(1)(ii) and 4(4) of ROB, can only declare
them attached with a particular Division, but cannot create them.
The Terms of Reference (TORs) of the ARU define its role and
powers. The ARU does not pass as a coordinating agency or office
under the TORs for the following reasons: first, as per its
Notification it was established as an entity separate from the
Departments whose officials have been made its Members and also
addressed as such in its TORs; second, there is no mention of its
coordinating role in the TORs; third, the powers and functions
have been prescribed in the TORs as that of the ARU, and not of its
Members; and fourth, but most importantly, the ARU was
conferred such wide and extensive powers which even its Members
did not enjoy under the laws of their parent institutions, e.g., it
was empowered to request any intelligence agency under the
Government of Pakistan for assistance in obtaining any
information on any subject within and outside the country,14 and
authorized to seek assistance and information from Law
Enforcement Agencies and other Government Departments,
including the information relating to bank accounts, companies
record, revenue record, travel record, NADRA record etc.15 With
such intrusive investigative powers, the ARU cannot be said to be
an innocuous coordinating agency, office or unit. The
13 See ROB, Schedule III.
14 TOR No. 7.
15 TOR No.8.
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 13
establishment of the ARU was, therefore, absolutely without lawful
authority, and is hereby so declared. In the absence of any legal
status of the ARU, its Chairman and Members also have no legal
position or status.
Budgetary Status of ARU
- It is important to see how the ARU was being funded. Were
the funds allocated for the functioning of ARU duly reflected in the
Annual Budget? Funds can be allocated for any Government
activity only by the National Assembly in the Annual Budget
Grants under Article 82(2) or supplementary and excess budget
grants under Article 84 of the Constitution. The Annual Budget
Statements for the financial years 2018-19 and 2019-20 do not
mention the allocation of any budget for the expenditure of ARU.
The power of the Federal Government, i.e., the Cabinet, under
Article 82(3) is only recommendatory, and provisional under Article
84, both are subject to the assent by the National Assembly. The
amounts as approved in the budget passed by the National
Assembly can be utilized only for the purpose specified in the
budget statement. Any re-appropriation of funds or their utilization
for some other purpose is not justified under the Constitution; for
this purpose, the supplementary budget statement has to be
placed before the National Assembly following the procedure
provided in Article 84 of the Constitution. Persons making the
unauthorized expenditure from the Federal Consolidated Fund are
personally responsible for that expenditure.16 The ARU, therefore,
had no budgetary support and therefore does not pass for an
executive authority. In this background, role of the ARU becomes
more suspicious and raises the questions: who funded the
investigation and the transnational surveillance of the Petitioner
Judge; who paid for the Law Expert of the ARU; who paid for
collecting information from the UK HM Land Registry or 192.com,
which are not open source, as one has to pay and register to
access information; who was funding the entire operation. These
unanswered questions cast doubts on the bonafides of the
16 See Case of Action against Distribution of Development Funds, PLD 2014 SC 131; Mustafa
Impex v. Govt. of Pakistan, PLD 2016 SC 808 and Ram Jawaya v. State of Punjab, AIR 1955 SC
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 14
Government and the Prime Minister, the Chief Executive of the
Federation.
Legal Status of the Chairman, ARU- The appointment of the Chairman, ARU by the Cabinet is not
backed by any law including any rule of the ROB. Even otherwise,
the ROB made under Article 99(3) of the Constitution cannot
provide for creation of posts in connection with the affairs of the
Federation. Such power must be conferred by some law enacted
under Article 240(a) of the Constitution. Article 99(3) empowers the
Federal Government to make rules only on two subjects: firstly, for
the allocation of the business of the Federal Government to its
different components, i.e., the Ministries; and secondly, for the
transaction of that business. The Rules made under this power can
regulate the procedural modalities of allocation and transaction of
the business, i.e., by which Ministry or Division of a Ministry and
how a matter is to be taken up and dealt with; such Rules cannot
grant substantive power to create posts in connection with the
affairs of the Federation.17 The expression “allocation and
transaction” of the business does not by any stretch of imagination
imply such power. Thus, the appointment of the Chairman, ARU
by the Cabinet was without lawful authority, and is so declared. - The prior appointment of the Chairman, ARU as Special
Assistant to the Prime Minister on Accountability with the status of
Minister of State, under Rule 4(6) of the ROB also appears to be
questionable. The Constitution has prescribed a limitation for the
total number of the Federal Ministers and Ministers of State:
second proviso to Article 93 mandates that the total strength of the
Cabinet, including Ministers of State, shall not exceed eleven
percent of the total membership of Majlis-e-Shoora (Parliament).
This command of the Constitution cannot be circumvented and
made redundant by doing a thing indirectly that cannot be done
directly. The Constitution has envisaged the Federal Government
consisting of the Prime Minister and the Federal Ministers to
exercise the executive authority of the Federation,18 and has
allowed assistance in exercise of that authority by appointment of
17 See Mustafa Impex v. Govt. of Pakistan, PLD 2016 SC 808.
18 The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, 1973, Article 90(1).
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 15
the Ministers of State19 and the Advisers.20 The Constitution does
not provide for appointment of any Special Assistant to the Prime
Minister. The scope of the Rules of Business made under Article
99(3), as above explained, is restricted only to the “allocation and
transaction” of the business of the Government. The vires of Rule
4(6) of the ROB that empowers the Prime Minister to appoint
Special Assistant, therefore, needs serious examination. This
matter, however, is not directly in issue in the present case;
therefore, it is left to be decided in an appropriate case some other
time.
- The ARU was, as aforesaid, neither supported by any law nor
recognized by the ROB as a functional part of the Federal
Government. It was at best an internal part of the Prime Minister’s
Office and possessed no legal status more than that of the status
of its Chairman, i.e., the Special Assistant to the Prime Minster.
Such an internal unit or wing or cell under the Cabinet Division
and in the Prime Minister’s Office had no power to deal with or pry
into the affairs of a third party and more so of a citizen who at all
times enjoys an inalienable right to the protection of law and the
constitutional guarantee of fundamental rights. Without the
backing of an enabling law, the ARU or the Chairman, ARU had no
power or jurisdiction to deal or interact with any third party. There
is no power inherent in the Executive; the Constitution and the law
are the only source of its powers and duties.21 No office or
authority of the Executive can take any action detrimental to the
life, liberty, body, reputation or property of any person except in
accordance with law as mandated by Article 4 of the Constitution.
Inspite of no legal standing, the ARU and its Chairman had
arrogated to themselves the role of avatars of accountability,
drawing their legal authority and power from the Terms of
Reference (TORs) approved by the Cabinet. The TORs of the ARU,
which set out various inquisitorial and investigative functions
regarding the life, liberty, reputation and property of the citizens of
Pakistan, have absolutely no legal value. The ARU, it is stated as a
matter of example, was not even entitled to proceed against a peon
at the Prime Minister’s Office. However, audacity of the Chairman,
19 Ibid., Article 92(1).
20 Ibid., Article 93(1).
21 See Muslim League v. Federation, PLD 2007 SC 642.
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 16
ARU had no bounds and he, on a vague complaint, without any
authorization from any constitutional or legal source, started
investigation into the affairs of a judge of the highest constitutional
court of the land. A Special Assistant, a contractual employee,
serving at the pleasure of the Prime Minister had no authority or
power to embark upon this inquisition. It is not reasonable to
accept that the Special Assistant to the Prime Minister or the Law
Minister could have performed all these acts without any kind of
tacit authorization from the Prime Minister. This misplaced
overzealousness besides being illegal and without jurisdiction is
also speaking, and speaks loudly, that there was more to it than
meets the eye.
Investigation of the Complaint by the ARU
- The Chairman, ARU on receiving the complaint from the
complainant acted with surprising agility and unleashed his team
to collect evidence of the alleged foreign properties. The ARU,
which was to work under the Cabinet Division as per decision of
the Cabinet, did not make any formal request to the Law and
Justice Division through the Secretary, Cabinet Division for
consultation on the matter in accordance with Rule 14 of the ROB,
despite noting in minutes of its meeting held on April 15, 2019
that the matter was sensitive as it related to the Judges of the
Superior Judiciary. The informal discussion and consultation
made by the Chairman and Members of the ARU with the Law
Minister on April 16, 2019, and the oral advice of the Law Minister
in that discussion carries no value in the eyes of law. The Law
Minister, who was a distinguished constitutional lawyer, also did
not realize the importance of his advice, even oral, and gave a “go
ahead” to the ARU for inquiring into the veracity of the allegations
made in the complaint against judges of the constitutional courts.
The Chairman, ARU who was also a Barrister-at-law, and not a
layman, knew well that an oral advice of the Law Minister was
nothing in the eyes of law and he should have ascertained his legal
authority to inquire into the allegations made against Judges of
Constitutional Courts, before initiating the inquiry into the
allegations made in the complaint. But both of them paid no heed
to the constitutional mandate of Article 209 of the Constitution,
and initiated the process of inquiring into the allegations made in
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 17
the complaint in such a manner which even the Council could not
have done if the complaint had been made to it. This cannot be
taken to be an innocent mistake by persons of such a legal caliber
and standing. - The Chairman ARU, after the discussion with the Law
Minister, on his own initiated the inquiry against the alleged
properties of the judges of the constitutional courts and their
family members. He tasked his team to procure the family records
of the Petitioner Judge from NADRA and also their travelling
history and the tax record from FIA and FBR, respectively. This
fact is evident from the minutes of the meeting held on April 16,
2019 by the Chairman and Members of ARU with the Law
Minister; there is no mention of discussion among the Members of
the ARU on how to proceed further in the matter, or making of the
decision by consensus or majority view of the Members. The
Chairman, ARU did not obtain the opinion of or consult with the
other Members of ARU. However, the other Members of ARU
supplied information on the Petitioner Judge and his family
without the authorization of law. It is clear from the minutes of the
meeting that ARU was being run by the Chairman, ARU, and the
other Members of ARU, even though representing statutory
authorities, acted illegally and with alarming servitude. - Astonishingly, the Chairman, ARU on the oral advice of the
Law Minister, decided not to inquire into the alleged foreign
properties of another judge22 mentioned in the complaint on the
ground that the said judge had already resigned. This selective
treatment unveils the true objective of the proceedings conducted
by the Chairman, ARU and the Law Minister: to conduct a judicial
witch-hunt rather than to recover alleged unlawful foreign assets
and properties. Had the Chairman, ARU been acting for recovery of
the alleged illegally acquired foreign assets of the Judges as per the
so-called mandate of the ARU, the fact that a judge had resigned
could have made no difference for taking legal proceedings for the
recovery of his alleged illegally acquired foreign properties.
22 Justice Farrukh Irfan Khan of the Lahore High Court.
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 18
Searching and Locating the Foreign Properties by the Legal Expert,
ARU
- This is the most sensitive, disturbing and scary part of the
case for any law-abiding citizen and for a country governed by the
rule of law. It is an admitted fact between the parties that
ownership of an immovable property in UK can be traced through
UK HM Land Registry’s official website, only by giving its address
(property number) and not by simply citing the name of the owner.
This information was not supplied by the complainant and was not
available on the record of FBR or any other office or authority in
Pakistan. The critical question that requires explanation is, how
did the complainant or the ARU find out the addresses of the UK
properties, so that they could access UK HM Land Registry?
Answer to this question will answer whether we have a
Government of law or Government of men. - The Petitioner Judge asserted in his constitutional petition
that the information forming the basis of the Reference was
gathered through covert surveillance in stark violation of his and
his family’s fundamental rights of privacy and dignity. The
response of the Federation in its concise statement was a simple
denial to this assertion of the Petitioner Judge; no details were
mentioned as to how the UK properties in the name of the spouse
and children of the Petitioner Judge were located. The report dated
May 8, 2019 of the Legal Expert, ARU annexed with the concise
statement only stated that after an asset search the properties had
been found registered in names of the persons mentioned in that
report. This report was also silent as to how that property search
was conducted. Who carried out the search? How was the search
carried out? Who paid for it and when, especially when ARU has
not sanctioned budget? What was discovered in the search? No
evidence to this effect has been placed before us. These are
questions that go unanswered and are deeply worrying in a State
that is governed by the Rule of Law. - It was much after the counsel of the Petitioner Judge had
completed his arguments that on June 1, 2020 the Chairman, ARU
and the Legal Expert, ARU filed their concise statement, and in
that statement they asserted that the details of those residing in
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 19
any immovable property in the UK can be accessed through open
source websites such as 192.com and ukphonebook.com; that once
the address is located, the owner of that immovable property can
be found through open source such as the UK HM Land Registry.
They further stated that there had been no covert surveillance of
the Petitioner Judge or his family. The Petitioner Judge filed a CMA
in response to the said concise statement of the Chairman and
Legal Expert, ARU. He stated therein that 192.com,
ukphonebook.com, and UK HM Land registry websites are not free
or open source websites. He elaborated that to access the
information from the website 192.com, an account with username
and password need to be created, payment is to be made by
debit/credit card, the website acknowledges the payment of
charges by email, and sends the requested information by email,
and likewise is the procedure of accessing information from the UK
HM Land Registry website. The Federation in defence did not
produce any record of the searches made on those websites: What
and how many addresses were found and under whose names?
Who created the account? Who made the payment of charges?
What were the payment or credit card details? Who received the
acknowledgement of payment and the requested information and
at whose email address? More importantly, there is no evidence of
what information was received that was allegedly carried to UK HM
Land Registry. The Federation has papered over the gaps by
referring to 192.com, which is not sufficient, unless details are
furnished regarding the information retrieved from the said site. It
is underlined that a paid source, which requires registration and
payment before allowing access to information, is not an open
source as claimed by the Federation. It shows that no such search
was conducted for tracing the properties through those websites;
rather the details of the properties were gathered through covert
surveillance of the Petitioner Judge and his family. Covert
surveillance and interception are offensively intrusive investigative
tools only available to intelligence agencies in the country.23 - Article 129(g) of the Qanun-e-Shahadat Order, 1984 allows
the Court to presume that evidence which could be and is not
produced would, if produced, be unfavourable to the person who
23 See Investigation For Fair Trial Act, 2013
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 20
withholds it. When a party withholds best evidence available with
him without any sufficient cause, an adverse presumption is
drawn against that party, irrespective of who bears the onus of
proof,24 that the evidence withheld must have been against his
version.25 Thus, the omission of the Federation and of the
Chairman and Legal Expert, ARU to produce the said record as to
procuring the address of the UK properties of the spouse and
children of the Petitioner Judge through the 192.com website gives
rise to a presumption that the Legal Expert, ARU never searched
the addresses of the properties through the 192.com website. Even
otherwise, the Chairman and Legal Expert, ARU in their concise
statement made a general statement that an immovable property
can be located through open source websites, but they did not
make any specific and categorical statement therein that the UK
properties of the family of the Petitioner Judge were located by that
method. The ARU was not equipped to carry out surveillance or
interception without the assistance of the intelligence agencies, for
which it had been authorized in the TORs by the Cabinet without
any lawful authority as discussed above. It is underlined that
intelligence agencies were also aggrieved of the Faizabad Dharna
judgment as it carried adverse observations regarding their role
and activity. That is why the review petitions were filed by the
Ministry of Defense on behalf of the intelligence agencies. Further,
it is evident from the report dated June 26, 2019 of the Legal
Expert, ARU that he hired a Tracing Agent firm to trace the
residents of the properties over the years, and not to trace the
addresses of the properties.
- While regular inquiry and investigation is limited to reaching
out to lawful and visible evidence existing at the time, covert
surveillance and interception are modern intrusive investigative
tools for discovering and creating evidence against a person by
encroaching upon his privacy and personal liberty. While
investigation is the collection of the available record and mostly
after notice to the person under investigation, surveillance is far
more secretive and clandestine operation which is designed to
intrude into the private recesses of one’s life, the confidential zone
24 See Murugesam Pillai v. Manickavasaka Desika, (1917) I.L.R. 40.
25 Rameshwar Singh v. Rajit Lal, AIR 1929 PC 95; Hiralal v. Badkulal, AIR 1953 SC 225;
and, Muhammad Zubair v. State, 2007 SCMR 437.
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 21
that stands protected under the constitutional guarantees of the
right to privacy and personal liberty. It is for this reason that
surveillance is permitted in the limited area of anti-state or
terrorist activities and that too under judicial and executive
oversight. Outside this limited area, surveillance is constitutionally
prohibited. Intelligence agencies do not enjoy a free hand in
conducting surveillance but are subject to strict rules of
compliance and oversight by the court. In the absence of any other
evidence furnished by ARU or the Law Minister, it is but obvious
that in this case the information about the addresses of properties
were obtained through no other means but through covert
surveillance and interception of the intelligence agencies which
gathered the information from the private zone of privacy enjoyed
by the Petitioner Judge and his family, without any authorization
of law and by brutally trampling over the constitutional guarantees
of privacy, personal freedom and dignity. To trivialize the right to
privacy by saying that the judge has nothing to hide is “no different
than saying you don’t care about free speech because you have
nothing to say.”26 The mode and manner of procurement of
information regarding the three UK properties cannot be lightly
dismissed; in it lays the destiny of our people and the future
course of our country.
- The complainant is a party to these proceedings. He also
appeared before us, but did not explain his source of information
or cleared the allegations leveled against him. The complainant
appears to be a proxy, who could not have discovered the
addresses of the three foreign properties. This inference is further
supported from the following facts. The complaint allegedly
annexed the copy of title record of one foreign property of the
spouse of the Petitioner Judge, with his complaint. That copy of
the title record was tendered by the Federation in Court, with the
concise statement of the Chairman and Legal Expert, ARU on June
1, 2020 belatedly as mentioned above. The notable aspect of this
copy of the title record is that it bears the Spanish name of the
spouse of the Petitioner Judge, which as per stance of the
Federation came to surface when the Member of ARU from FIA
obtained her NADRA record, passport record and travelling history
26 Edward Snowden, Permanent Record.
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 22
record. It is alarming to imagine how the complainant had come to
know of the Spanish name of the spouse of the Petitioner Judge
and how on earth he got the access to the address of that property.
When the complaint does not mention either. The Chairman, ARU
stated in his report that he met the complainant but did not
mention in that report how the complainant had known the
Spanish name of the spouse of the Petitioner Judge and got the
address of that property. To cover up these gaping omissions, the
Federation took the stance during arguments that the complainant
was a journalist and no journalist tells, or can be compelled to tell,
the source of his information. The stance is misconceived; it has
been taken without appreciating the fact that the complainant had
not got published an investigative story in any newspaper, he had
rather made a complaint for action against the judges of
constitutional courts for their alleged misconduct. His status was
that of a complainant, and not of a journalist, in making the
complaint. It is no rocket science to put the facts together to
discern that the complainant was fed the information to generate
the complaint. Whoever fed him the information are the real actors
of this saga. The credentials of the complainant give further
credence to this story; he was an unknown journalist with rather
dubious reputation. Report of the Chairman ARU dated May 10,
2019 compiled after thorough investigation of the allegations made
in the complaint and submitted to the Law Minister goes silent as
to why the complainant wanted to file the complaint, what was his
source of information, what newspapers he worked for, and did his
complaint qualify to hide behind the code of ethics of journalists.
- This aspect of the case as to the unlawful procurement of the
information through unlawful surveillance of the Petitioner Judge
and his family is deeply worrying and shakes the foundations of a
democratic society based on the rule of law. The issue of unlawful
surveillance and invasion of privacy of the Petitioner Judge and his
family is far more critical and grave than the information procured
by the ARU. It is a naked threat to personal liberty, privacy and
dignity guaranteed to the citizens under the Constitution. In order
to appreciate the gravity of the constitutional violation committed
by the ARU or its Chairman, it is important to understand the
concept of privacy and personal freedom in a constitutional
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 23
democracy that protects our private lives, our friendships, our
relationships, our thoughts and our very sense of being, which no
State has the power to touch or encroach.
Concept of Privacy - The Greek philosopher Aristotle spoke of a division between
the public sphere of political affairs (which he termed the polis) and
the personal sphere of human life (termed oikos).27 This dichotomy
may provide an early recognition of “a confidential zone on behalf
of the citizen.”28 Activities in the private realm are more
appropriately reserved for “private reflection, familial relations and
self-determination.”29 John Stuart Mill in his essay, ‘On Liberty’
(1859) gave expression to the private zone in one’s life; “The only
part of the conduct of any one, for which he is amenable to society,
is that which concerns others. In the part which merely concerns
himself, his independence is, of right, absolute. Over himself, over
his own body and mind, the individual is sovereign.”30 Sir Edward
Coke, perhaps the most influential English jurist of all time,
famously declared in Semayne case31 “that the house of everyone
is to him as his Castle and Fortress as well for his defence against
injury and violence, as for his repose.” Justice Stephen Breyer in
his book writes that “by privacy, I mean a person’s power to control
what others can come to know about him or her.”32 In the most
famous essay on privacy ever written, published in the Harvard
Law Review in 1890, Louis Brandeis and Samuel D Warren
referred to the principle of the right to an “inviolate personality,”
and said that it was a part of the more general “right to be let
alone.”33 Later Justice Louis Brandeis expressed the right to
privacy in his dissent in Olmstead v. United States34 in the terms
that a core of freedom and liberty from which the human being had
to be free from intrusion. The right to be let alone is a reflection of
the inviolable nature of the human personality. “Privacy
27 Justice K.S. Puttaswamy (Retd) v. Union of India, AIR 2017 SC 4161.
28 Michael C. James, A Comparative Analysis of the Right to Privacy in the United States, Canada
and Europe, Connecticut Journal of International Law, p.261, Vol.29, Issue 2, (Spring 2014)
29 Ibid, at page 262
30 John Stuart Mill, On Liberty, Batoche Books, p.13, (1859).
31 [5 Coke 91: 1 Sm LC (13th Edn.) 104 at p. 105]
32 Justice Stephen Breyer (Associate Judge of the United States Supreme Court) in Active Liberty
p.66
33 Warren and Brandeis, The Right to Privacy, Harvard Law Review, p.193, (1890), Vol. 4, No. 5.
34 277 U.S.438, 478 (1928)
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 24
is…essential to democratic government because it fosters and
encourages the moral autonomy of the citizen, a central
requirement of a democracy.”35 Privacy therefore affirms the
agency and autonomy of the individual and the right of every
person to have the freedom and liberty to live a life of dignity.
Privacy requires that all information about a person is
fundamentally his own, only for him to communicate or retain for
himself. The concept of private life includes the right to personal
autonomy, personal development and the right to establish and
develop relationships with other human beings and with the
outside world.36 “The freedom of a country can only be measured
by its respect for the rights of its citizens, and … these rights are in
fact limitations of state power that define exactly where and when
a government may not infringe into that domain of personal or
individual freedoms that during the American Revolution was
called “liberty” and during the Internet Revolution is called
“privacy.”37
- Recognizing and protecting the zone of privacy is the freedom
and liberty our Constitution holds dear. Privacy attaches to the
person and not to the place where it is associated. Home under
Article 14 of the Constitution is not only the physical house but
the entire treasure of personal life of a human being.38 The
intrusion by the State into the sanctum of personal space, other
than for a larger public purpose, is violative of the constitutional
guarantees. Right to privacy is deeply intertwined with the right to
life, right to personal liberty and right to dignity. “Arguing that you
don’t care about the right to privacy because you have nothing to
hide is no different than saying you don’t care about free speech
because you have nothing to say.”39 This is a cherished
constitutional value, and it is important that human beings be
allowed domains of freedom that are free of public scrutiny and
protected against “unwanted gaze,”40 unless they act in an
unlawful manner.
35 Lawrence Lessig, Code and Other Laws of Cyberspace, p.153–55 (1999).
36 Artavia Murillo ET AL. (“In Vitro Fertilization”) v. Costa Rica (2012), Inter-Am. Ct. H.R.
(Ser.C) No.257
37 Edward Snowden, Permanent Record.
38 see Benazir Bhutto v. President of Pakistan, PLD 1998 SC 388.
39 Edward Snowden, Permanent Record.
40 Jeffrey Rosen, The Unwanted Gaze: The Destruction of Privacy in America (2000).
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 25
Social Impact of Violation of Privacy.
- Illegal and illegitimate surveillance, by both State and private
actors, has the impact of intrusion into the private lives of citizens,
not only violating their constitutional rights but also intruding on
the very personhood, privacy and personal liberty of those
surveilled. Surveillance has disparate impact, violating principles
of non-discrimination and equality as enshrined in our
Constitution. Writing for the Harvard Law Review in 2013, Neil
Richards stated that surveillance has a chilling effect on the
exercise of our civil liberties.41 Furthermore, surveillance is often
exercised as a power by the watcher over the watched, as a form of
control. “This disparity creates the risk of a variety of harms, such
as discrimination, coercion, and the threat of selective
enforcement, where critics of the government can be prosecuted or
blackmailed for wrongdoing unrelated to the purpose of the
surveillance.”42 Surveillance and illegitimate intrusions into privacy
impact the essential work that journalists, academics and activists
do. Undue surveillance can lead to a chilling effect on those critical
of State institutions and societal norms. Undue interference with
individual’s privacy can both directly and indirectly limit the free
development and exchange of ideas.43 - In fledgling democracies, where institutional development is
still finding its feet and the concept of rule of law has not firmly
taken ground, special care is required to ensure that law
enforcement and intelligence agencies fully comply with the law
dealing with surveillance and interception. Any laxity or concession
given to these agencies to step outside the law and collect evidence,
can be a serious threat to constitutional guarantees of the people,
in particular, and to democracy, in general. International
experience44 tells us that unconstitutional and illegally procured
private information amassed by the agencies can be used to
manipulate and blackmail people for promoting political agendas.
41 Neil M. Richards, The Dangers of Surveillance, Harvard Law Review, p.1935, vol.126, (2013).
42 Ibid
43 see Digital Rights Foundation (DRF), Impact and Legality of Surveillance, A Policy Brief
(2020). https://digitalrightsfoundation.pk/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/Impact-and-Legality-ofSurveillance-Final-Document-14.10.2020-1.pdf
44 See Bolo Bhi, Surveillance, Interception and Evidence Gathering: Local Law and International
Precedents, A Research Paper (2020). https://bolobhi.org/surveillance-interception-and-evidencegathering-local-law-and-international-precedents/
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 26
This cripples human security and dismantles democracy, lowering
it slowly into an abyss of totalitarianism. Any unconstitutional
intrusion and unlawful collection of reels of unauthorized private
data can make any law enforcement or intelligence agency become
a Frankenstein – indestructible and uncontrollable. Infringing the
foundational principle of separation of powers. In a parliamentary
democracy with inbuilt checks and balances the question of who
will guard the guards does not arise and should not arise.
- Intercepted material through “surveillance” includes data,
information or material in any documented form, whether written
or recorded, through audio visual device, CCTV, still photography,
observation or any other mode or technique. And, “interception” on
communication medium includes: emails, SMS, IPDR (internet
protocol detail record) or CDR (Call detail record) and any form of
computer based or call phone based communication using wired or
wireless or IP (internet protocol) based media or gadgetry.45 The
fact that the ARU did not possess the resources or the technical
capacity to carry out surveillance of the Petitioner Judge and his
family and the interception of their communications, gives
credence to the stance of the Petitioner Judge that the surveillance
was carried out in connivance and in collaboration with the
intelligence agencies. The possibility of such happening, therefore,
cannot be ruled out in the absence of any other evidence to the
contrary, on the record.
Investigation for Fair Trial Act, 2013 - The only law referred to us during arguments that allows
surveillance of persons by the Law Enforcement and Intelligence
Agencies is the Investigation for Fair Trial Act, 2013 (“IFTA”). The
Legislature in the preamble provides that “being mindful that the
existing laws neither comprehensively provide for nor specifically
regulate, advance and modern, investigative techniques such as
covert surveillance and human intelligence, property interference,
wiretapping and communication interception that are used
extensively in other jurisdictions to successfully prevent the
offences and as an indispensable aid to the law enforcement and
45 The Investigation for Fair Trial Act, 2013, section 3(g).
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 27
administration of justice.”46 It further provides that “in order to
neutralize and prevent the threat or any attempt to carry out
scheduled offences it is necessary that the law enforcement and
other agencies be given certain authorizations to obtain evidence in
time and only in accordance with law47.” Regarding the evidence so
collected the preamble provides that “it is also in order to declare
the admissibility and use of the material obtained during lawful
investigation under the present law, in the judicial proceedings
and all other legal proceedings or process to ensure fair trial.48”
The IFTA requires a notified officer to make an application under
the Act, if there is reason to believe that a person may be
associated with or is likely to act in a manner that constitutes a
scheduled offence. However, the officer is required to obtain a
warrant from court for surveillance or interception. Prior to
obtaining a warrant, the officer is required to prepare a report with
supporting material, present it to the Minister (Federal Minister for
Interior) for permission and then move the application before a
judge for issuance of the warrant. A warrant under the Act is to be
issued by a judge of the High Court in chamber. Section 8 of IFTA
lists the requirements the officer must meet when seeking
permission for surveillance or interception, whereas Section 10
pertains to what is to be considered by the judge when issuing a
warrant. The duration of the warrant under Section 14 of the IFTA
is 60 days. It may be re-issued for another 60 days after a fresh
application is made and reasons presented by the officer, for why
the earlier time period was insufficient. If the request by the
applicant is deemed arbitrary by the judge, under Section 15 of the
law, departmental action can be recommended against the officer.
Under Section 22 of the Act, the authorized officer is required to
certify that the evidence collected is strictly in accordance with the
warrant and has not been tampered with or altered, before turning
it over to the investigating officer.
- The IFTA, thus, provides that intelligence agencies can carry
out surveillance and interception of a suspect to gather
information regarding anti-state or terrorist activities and that too
after obtaining a warrant from a Judge of the High Court
46 Ibid, preamble.
47 Ibid.
48 ibid
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 28
concerned. Intelligence agencies therefore do not have a carte
blanche to probe into the lives of ordinary men and women of this
country. These agencies are regulated by law and are subject to
law. In 2013, a coalition of civil society organizations developed
“International Principles on the Application of Human Rights to
Communications Surveillance” highlighting a human rights
approach to surveillance. These principles, though not adopted by
any State party, the principles highlight the ways in which
international human rights law applies to surveillance practices.
The principles are 1) legality: “any imitation to the right to privacy
must be prescribed by law”; 2) legitimate aim: “laws should only
permit communications surveillance by specified State authorities
to achieve a legitimate aim that corresponds to a predominantly
important legal interest that is necessary in a democratic society.
Any measure must not be applied in a manner which discriminates
on the basis of race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or
other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other
status;” 3) necessity: “strictly and demonstrably necessary to
achieve a legitimate aim”; 4) adequacy: “must be appropriate to
fulfill the specific legitimate aim identified;” 5) proportionality:
“should be regarded as a highly intrusive act that interferes with
the rights to privacy and freedom of opinion and expression,
threatening the foundations of a democratic society”; 6) competent
judicial authority: “determinations related to communications
surveillance must be made by a competent judicial authority that
is impartial and independent”; 7) due process: “that lawful
procedures that govern any interference with human rights are
properly enumerated in law, consistently practiced, and available
to the general public”; 8) user notification: “individuals should be
notified of a decision authorizing communications surveillance
with enough time and information to enable them to appeal the
decision”; 9) transparency: “about the use and scope of
communications surveillance techniques and powers”; 10) public
oversight: “establish independent oversight mechanisms to ensure
transparency and accountability of communications surveillance”;
11) integrity of communications and systems: “States should not
compel service providers or hardware or software vendors to build
surveillance or monitoring capability into their systems, or to
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 29
collect or retain particular information purely for State surveillance
purposes”; 12) safeguards for international cooperation: “States
may not use mutual legal assistance processes and foreign
requests for protected information to circumvent domestic legal
restrictions on communications surveillance”; 13) safeguards
against illegitimate access: “enact legislation criminalizing illegal
communications surveillance by public or private actors.”49
- Any covert surveillance or interception of the citizens of
Pakistan other than under IFTA is starkly offensive to their
fundamental rights of privacy and personal liberty. There is no law
in the country that authorizes any law enforcement or intelligence
agency to pry into the privacy of home to dig out private family
information through targeted surveillance, and to use it against
them to achieve various ends. Any such surveillance into the
inviolate private core of human life seriously threatens normal
human existence as it clogs their freedoms and distorts the
meaning of our constitutional democracy founded on the rule of
law promised by our founding fathers. Such intrusion and
encroachment into the private life of a citizen by the State actors
totally demolishes the scheme of fundamental rights under the
Constitution. Fundamental rights of privacy, personal liberty and
dignity provide a bar against intrusion into the private life of a
citizen through surveillance; which aims to continuously fish for
something adverse against a citizen and then to use it against him
when required. These are tricks of a totalitarian State and not the
ways of an elected Government of a constitutional democracy
which must rest its governance on the rule of law and supremacy
of the Constitution.
Information Procured from NADRA, FBR & FIA by the ARU - The Member of the ARU from FIA, Assistant Commissioner
(Inland Revenue), Commissioner (Inland Revenue), and DG
(International Taxes)/Member of ARU from FBR, all four,
submitted their reports on May 10, 2019. Rights to personal liberty
49 Electronic Frontier Foundation, Necessary & Proportionate: International Principles on the
Application of Human Rights Law to Communications Surveillance, (2014). Also see: Bolo Bhi,
Surveillance, Interception and Evidence Gathering: Local Law and International Precedents, A
Research Paper (2020)
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 30
and privacy under Articles 9 and 14 of the Constitution impose a
constitutional obligation on State authorities to protect the privacy
and personal freedom of the citizens unless the law expressly
authorizes them to do otherwise in exceptional circumstances. In
the absence of any law to the contrary, the rights to privacy and
personal freedom become absolute and stand to protect the privacy
and personal freedom of the citizen. No Government institution is
to disclose the personal information of any citizen unless the law
authorizes the institution to do so. In the absence of any specific
law, the umbrella of constitutional guarantees will come to cover
and protect the citizen. Employees of NADRA, who were legally
enjoined under section 28 of the NADRA Ordinance, 2000 not to
communicate to any person any information acquired by them in
the course of their employment, committed violation of that
command of the law by making compliance with the command of
the Chairman, ARU in communicating to the Chairman and other
Members of the ARU the NADRA record relating to the Petitioner
Judge and his family. Likewise, Member of the ARU from FBR
committed violation of section 216 of the ITO, 2000 by disclosing
the tax records of the Petitioner Judge and his spouse to the
Chairman and other Members of the ARU. While Member of the
ARU from the FIA breached Rule 18 of the Government Servants
(Conduct) Rules, 1964 by making unauthorized communication of
the official documents and information as to the passport/visa
record and travelling history of the Petitioner Judge and his family.
It is astonishing that information which even the Prime Minister,
any Federal Minister or the Cabinet could not solicit under the law
was being made available to the Chairman, ARU by the officials of
NADRA, FBR and FIA. At the cost of repetition, the Chairman, ARU
examined all the reports and record submitted to him on May 10,
2019, made his final Report on May 10, 2019 and submitted it to
the Law Minister on the very same day, i.e., May 10, 2019. All
proceedings stand concluded in one day. This hurried exercise
being against the normal course of business also points towards
lack of bonafide in the whole process and proceedings.
- The Chairman and Legal Expert, ARU procured the
information regarding the UK Properties by offending the
fundamental rights of personal liberty, privacy and dignity of the
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 31
Petitioner Judge and his family by procuring personal information
regarding the UK Properties without the sanction of any law
through covert surveillance and interception, and also by violating
the confidentiality provisions of the NADRA Ordinance and the
ITO. These actions of the Chairman and Legal Expert of ARU also
attract criminal liability under section 35 of IFTA. The ARU thus
did not collect the evidence in support of the allegations made in
the complaint against the Petitioner Judge, in accordance with the
law and Constitution. Additionally, when the very establishment of
the ARU and appointment of its Chairman were without any lawful
authority, all the acts done by the Chairman, Legal Expert and
Members of the ARU as to the investigation and collection of
evidence in support of the allegations made in the complaint were
also without lawful authority and are so declared. For these illegal
actions, the authorities concerned must initiate criminal and
disciplinary proceedings against the Chairman, Legal Expert and
Members of the ARU, as well as, the deafulting officials of FBR and
NADRA under the IFTA, ITO and NADRA Ordinance, 2000.
Reliance on the Illegally Collected Evidence by the Law Minister and
Prime Minister - The Law Minister, a distinguished lawyer, did not raise any
objection to the investigation and surveillance conducted by the
ARU for accountability of a constitutional court judge, on receiving
the report of the Chairman, ARU. He rather relied upon the
evidence illegally collected in that inquiry for making the
“Summary for the Prime Minister”, and proposing to the Prime
Minister to advise the President to form an opinion that the
Petitioner Judge may be guilty of misconduct and direct the
Council to inquire into the matter under Article 209 of the
Constitution. Likewise, the Prime Minister also without asking the
Law Minister or the Chairman ARU as to under what authority of
law the ARU conducted inquiry into and collected evidence on the
allegations made in a complaint against a constitutional court
judge, advised the President on the basis of that illegally collected
evidence to form the opinion, direct the Council and sign the draft
Reference. It is important to assess whether the evidence/material
collected by the ARU, passed on to the Law Minster and further
put up before the Prime Minister was legally admissible.
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 32
Exclusionary Rule- Admissibility of Illegally Collected Evidence - Under the classic common law, the test of admissibility of
evidence was whether it is relevant to the matter in issue. If it is, it
is admissible, and the Court is not concerned with how it was
obtained.50 The law of evidence, i.e., the Evidence Act, 1872 (now
Qanun-e-Shahdat Order, 1984) did not deal with the possibility of
procurement of evidence through illegal and unconstitutional
surveillance offending the fundamental rights of privacy, personal
liberty and dignity. It also did not envisage that the right to a fair
trial would be guaranteed as a fundamental right under the
Constitution. There has, however, been a great shift in application
of the said rule in major common law jurisdictions, with
recognition of the importance of civil rights and liberties of the
citizens in a State governed by the Rule of Law. - In United Kingdom, the mother of common law, Lord
Hoffman has observed in A v. Secretary of State51 that “the courts
will not shut their eyes to the way the accused was brought before
the court or the evidence of the guilt was obtained. Those methods
may be such that it would compromise the integrity of the judicial
process, dishonor the administration of justice, if the proceedings
were to be entertained or the evidence admitted. In such a case the
proceedings may be stayed or the evidence rejected on the ground
that there would otherwise be an abuse of process of the court”. - In Australia, Barwick CJ speaking for the Court in R v.
Ireland,52 held that when evidence is procured by unlawful or
unfair acts, the judge has a discretion to reject the evidence. In the
exercise of that discretion, the learned Chief Justice said, “the
competing public requirements must be considered and weighed
against each other. On the one hand there is the public need to
bring to conviction those who commit criminal offences. On the
other hand there is the public interest in the protection of the
individual from unlawful and unfair treatment. Convictions
obtained by the aid of unlawful or unfair acts may be obtained at
too high a price. Hence the judicial discretion”. This statement of
50 See Kuruma v. Queen, 1955 AC 197; Pooran Mal v. Director of Inspection, AIR 1974 SC 348;
and, Bisvil Spinners v Pakistan, PLD 1992 SC 96.
51 [2006] 2 AC 221.
52 [1970] HCA 21.
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 33
law was reaffirmed by the High Court of Australia in Bunning v
Cross.53
- In United States, the Fourth Amendment to the US
Constitution guarantees the privacy rights by declaring that “[t]he
right of people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and
effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be
violated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause,
supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the
place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized”. A
right to be free from unreasonable searches and seizures is though
declared by the Fourth Amendment, but how one is to translate
the guarantee into concrete terms is not specified. Several possible
methods of enforcement were considered by the US Courts over
time; however, the US Supreme Court has settled the one as an
effective means to make real the right, which is called the
Exclusionary Rule. Under this Rule, the evidence seized in
violation of the Fourth Amendment rights is excluded by the US
Courts. Exclusion of evidence as a remedy for Fourth Amendment
right violation was founded in Boyd v. United States,54 and was
developed in later cases. In Mapp v Ohio,55 the US Supreme Court
held that to admit evidence obtained in violation of the right would
be, in effect, to “grant the right but in reality to withhold its
privilege and enjoyment”, and explained that the exclusionary rule
is designed “to deter – to compel respect for the constitutional
guaranty in the only effectively available way – by removing the
incentive to disregard it”. - In Canada, the principle governing the exclusion of evidence
obtained in violation of the charter rights and freedoms has been
codified. Section 24(2) of the Canadian Charter of Rights and
Freedoms declares that where a court concludes that evidence was
obtained in a manner that infringed or denied any rights or
freedoms guaranteed by this Charter, the evidence shall be
excluded if it is established that, having regard to all
circumstances, the admission of it in the proceedings would bring
the administration of justice into disrepute.
53 [1978] HCA 22.
54 116 U.S. 616 (1886).
55 367 US 643 (1961).
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 34
- The Irish Supreme Court has in DPP v. JC56 laid down the
following principles with regard to the admission or exclusion of
the evidence obtained in violation of the constitutional rights, in
order to balance the legitimate competing public interests: (i) The
onus is on the prosecution to establish the admissibility of all
evidence; (ii) If a claim is raised that evidence was obtained in
breach of constitutional rights, the onus is on the prosecution to
establish either (a) that there was no unconstitutionality, or (b)
that despite any interference with constitutional rights the
evidence should still be admitted; (iii) Where evidence is obtained
in deliberate and conscious violation of constitutional rights, it
should be excluded except in exceptional circumstances; (iv) Where
evidence was taken in breach of constitutional rights, there is a
presumption in favour of exclusion, which can be rebutted by
evidence that the breach of rights was either (a) inadvertent or (b)
derived from subsequent legal developments; and (v) Whether or
not a breach of constitutional rights was deliberate and conscious
requires analysis of the conduct or state of mind of the individual
who actually gathered the evidence, as well as, any senior official
or officials within the investigating or enforcement authority
concerned who was involved either in that decision or in decisions
of that type generally or in putting in place policies concerning
evidence-gathering of the type concerned. - The above-stated principle as to inadmissibility of the
illegally collected evidence has developed mostly in the cases where
there was a law that regulated a constitutional right, but that law
was not followed or was violated in the process of collecting
evidence. The courts have held such evidence to be generally
inadmissible, with few exceptions, mainly with the reason that the
admission of such evidence would compromise the integrity of the
judicial process and bring the administration of justice into
disrepute. I concur in the principle, and see no hindrance in
adopting it in our jurisdiction. The admission and reliance on the
material (evidence) illegally collected by the ARU without any
enabling law empowering it to do so, in flagrant violation of the
fundamental rights of privacy, liberty, dignity and freedom of
movement of the Petitioner Judge and his family, would
56 [2015] IESC 31.
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 35
compromise the integrity of the judicial process and bring the
justice system into disrepute. Therefore, such material (evidence)
was inadmissible even in view of the above-stated principle
established in other common law jurisdictions and did not fall
within the exceptions thereto, as the illegal acts done for collecting
the material (evidence) were not inadvertent, rather were deliberate
and conscious.
Surveillance, where there is no Law
- The present case, however, poses different questions: What
would be the effect of violation of a constitutionally guaranteed
fundamental right, which is absolute as it is not regulated by any
law? Would the prohibition on admissibility of evidence collected
by infringing such right be absolute or be subject to exceptions?
While the fundamental right to personal liberty and privacy
guaranteed by Articles 9 and 14 of the Constitution are subject to
law, there is no law in our country that authorizes any law
enforcement or intelligence agency to pry into the privacy of any
person through surveillance and interception, except the IFTA. The
scope of the IFTA, as discussed above, is also restricted to the
surveillance and interception of a person who is suspected to be
involved in any terrorist or anti-state activity. Besides this limited
scope under the IFTA, no other law regulates the fundamental
right of privacy of citizens and allows probe into their lives through
surveillance and interception. Thus, in the remaining sphere the
right to privacy is absolute, until law is enacted to regulate it. The
violation of this sphere of the absolute privacy right makes the
inadmissibility of evidence collected in violation thereof also
absolute. Absolute right entails absolute prohibition on its
violation. The ARU collected evidence by violating the sphere of
absolute privacy right of the Petitioner Judge and his family
through surveillance, and without backing of any law for its
authority to do so. Therefore, such evidence/material was liable to
be excluded from consideration without any exception, and the
Law Minister and Prime Minister could not have relied and acted
upon it, for making the “Summary” and advising the President
respectively.
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 36 - The Law Minister opined in the Summary put up before the
Prime Minister that the Petitioner Judge appeared to have
committed “grave misconduct” by not declaring three London
properties owned by his spouse and children and by not explaining
the source of their purchase in his tax record, without
appreciating, rather ignoring altogether, the fact that no office or
authority in Pakistan, under the relevant law, had ever asked the
spouse and children of the Petitioner Judge to explain their
sources to purchase the said properties and their failure to declare
the same in their tax record, if there was any obligation for such
declaration under the law. - The Prime Minister being the Chief Executive of the
Federation, failed to verify and examine the information placed in
the Summary before him. Advising the President to proceed against
a judge of the highest court of the land required the Prime Minister
to exercise due diligence and careful consideration of the contents
of the Summary placed before him. It was not just any business
he was attending to, he was approving initiation of inquiry against
a Supreme Court judge, but he took no pains to see that the ARU,
besides being a non-entity had no authority under the law to
investigate and collect evidence on a complaint that could not have
been entertained by the ARU. He also failed to verify how the
addresses of the three foreign properties were discovered and who
authorized the ARU to carry out transnational investigation and
surveillance and whether any office or authority had asked the
spouse and children of the Petitioner Judge to explain the sources
of purchase of those properties. Without attending to the above
material objections against the information placed before him and
without taking due care, he advised the President on the basis of
the evidence illegally collected by the Chairman, ARU on the oral
advice of the Law Minister, to direct the Council to hold an inquiry
against the Petitioner Judge.
Opinion of the President under Article 209 (5) of the Constitution - The President also did not question under what authority of
law the ARU conducted inquiry into the allegations made in a
complaint against a constitutional court judge and whether any
office or authority had asked the spouse and children of the
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 37
Petitioner Judge to explain the sources of purchase of those
properties, and approved the Prime Minister’s advice and signed
the draft Reference annexed with the Summary without applying
his independent mind, exercising his discretion and forming his
own opinion. The constitutional question that arises for
determination is: whether under Article 209(5) of the Constitution,
the President is to form his personal “opinion” or to act on the
“advice” of the Cabinet or the Prime Minister as envisaged under
Article 48(1) of the Constitution. In order to answer this question,
the unique nature of the role of the President under Article 209 (5)
needs to be seen and purposively interpreted in the confluence of
foundational constitutional principles: parliamentary democracy;
separation of powers; independence of judiciary; the rule of law;
and neutrality of the office of the President being Head of State and
representing unity of the Republic. - In a parliamentary democracy, the President is largely a nonexecutive symbolic leader of the State who does not exercise
executive or policymaking power. However, in the same
parliamentary democracy a non-executive President may,
nevertheless, possess and exercise powers of extraordinary political
intervention as a constitutional arbiter or guarantor. This is
premised on the principle that underscores that a non-executive
President separates the representative embodiment of the
permanent institutions of the State from the leader of the
incumbent Government. The separation of offices between Head of
Government and Head of State, a non-executive President, helps
maintain a symbolic separation between the incumbent
Government, which is party-political, and the permanent
institutions of the State as such, which are supposed to be
politically neutral and universal. The President symbolically
ensures that the ruling party or the coalition is separate from a
non-partisan embodiment of the whole.57 President is a neutral
and an impartial arbiter who while forming his “opinion” under
Article 209(5) is to weigh both: the sanctity of a non-partisan
judicial institution and the grievance of the political government
against the judge in order to give true expression to judicial
57 See Elliot Bulmer, Direct Democracy: International IDEA Constitution-Building Primer 3,
International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, (2nd ed. 2017)
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 38
independence and judicial accountability. Only someone with the
stature and position of a President can perform this challenging
role.
- The existence of judicial independence depends on the
existence of legal arrangements that guarantee it. Judicial
independence is composed of two foundations: independence of the
individual judge and the independence of the judicial branch. The
independence of the individual judge means that the judge is
subject to no authority other than the law58. A judge will have
“nothing to influence or control him but God and his conscience.”59
On matters of adjudication, the judge is alone. Second limb of
judicial independence is the institutional environment in which the
judge operates. It is a protective institutional wall around the
individual judge that will guard him against the possibility of any
inside or outside influence. A partisan Government or other
specialized State institutions, at times, in order to achieve their
political ends may try to influence or pressurize judges and invoke
the removal process to penalize or intimidate judges. The real aim
of proceedings may be to remove a judge whose judgments are
considered troublesome by those in authority.60 At this junction,
the protective institutional design that guards the judge against
external onslaughts becomes critical. The constitutional scheme of
independence of judiciary is not to shut its eyes and ears to the
complaints against the judge but to ensure that the judge gets to
enjoy his constitutional protections till the last. - Separation of powers is the backbone of our democracy. The
purpose of separation of powers is to strengthen freedom and
prevent the concentration of power in the hands of one government
actor in a manner likely to harm the freedom of the individual and
other institutions. The principle requires that each branch of the
State has a function that is its major function and the other
branch should not impinge upon its nucleus. The institutions of
the State have to walk the tightrope of checks and balances while
58 Aharon Barak, The Judge in a Democracy, Princeton University Press (2006).
59 Evans v. Gore, 253 U.S. 245, 250 (1919) (quoting John Marshall, cited at Debates, Va. Conv.
1829-1831, 616, 619).
60 See J. van Zyl Smit, The Appointment, Tenure and Removal of Judges under Commonwealth
Principles: A Compendium and Analysis of Best Practice (Report of Research Undertaken by
Bingham Centre for the Rule of Law), 79-81.
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 39
operating in their designated spheres outlined clearly in the
Constitution. One branch of the State should not be able to
destabilize or weaken the other branch. Constitutional design
protects this through the principle of separation of powers and
President’s role under Article 209(5) actualizes this balance. This is
a constitutional principle. It may not be written in the Constitution
but it is written within the lines. The courts in a democracy have
to give expression to this principle when interpreting the
Constitution.
- One of the basic principles of democracy is the Rule of Law.
From the standpoint of democracy, the most important of the
meanings is the substantive rule of law. The substantive rule of
law is the rule of proper law, which balances the needs of society
and the individual and strikes a balance between society’s need for
political, economic and judicial independence, on the one hand,
and the right to personal liberty, and human dignity on the
other.61 - Constitution is philosophy, politics, society, and law all
rolled into one.62 Judiciary is the guardian of the Constitution. In
interpreting a Constitution, other than the express language of the
Constitution, its implied language conveys a meaning between the
lines, which is otherwise invisible in words – it is derived from the
structure of the Constitution. Any interpretation of the
Constitution must be grounded in these foundational principles.
Role of the President when considered in the background of these
fundamental principles, best assumes the role of an “arbiter” and a
“buffer” between a partisan government and a permanent neutral
branch of the State, the judiciary. The President is to examine the
“information” placed before him under Article 209(5) as Head of
State, acting as an arbiter between the two branches of the State,
discharging his function as a person representing the unity of the
Republic. This unique function of the President is co-equal with
the role of the Council under the same clause of Article 209 of the
Constitution. Both have to form an “opinion;” both have to perform
a somewhat quasi-judicial function; both have to take a decision
61 Aharon Barak, The Judge in a Democracy, Princeton University Press (2006).
62 ibid
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 40
on the basis of the information before them. Personal opinion of
the President under Article 209(5) actualizes the non-partisan role
of the President and provides a check on any partisan adventurism
by the Government of the day against the judiciary. If the President
is just a rubber stamp acting on the advice of the Cabinet, a hostile
Government can, theoretically, file references against a number of
judges of the constitutional courts, resulting in initiation of
inquiries against all of them. Mere initiation of inquiry against the
conduct of the constitutional court judges is enough to tarnish the
image of judiciary, and weaken public confidence and public trust
the nation reposes in the judicial institution.
- At a textual level, “information” is placed before the President
under Article 209(5). This information is then processed into a
Reference only if the President forms an opinion that the
information makes out a case for inquiry against the judge. If
information is actually an “advice,” the words “President is of the
opinion” become redundant. Second, it is absurd to conclude that
under the same provision, the Council is empowered to form its
own “opinion” but the President is not. Under Article 48(2), where
the Constitution vests the President with a more personalized task
of exercising his “discretion,” he performs the same himself and
not on the advice of the Cabinet or the Prime Minister. Quite
similar is the function of forming an “opinion” which can only be
done by the President himself. - As a Head of the State, the President is the best person to
review the “information” placed against a constitutional court
judge by a constituent of the State, be it Federal, Provincial or
Local Government. The executive function of the Government is till
the placement of “information” before the President. Beyond that,
the formation of “opinion” by the President falls outside the realm
of the executive function and becomes a more quasi-judicial
function in nature. Parallel needs to be drawn between the two
streams: the President and the Council. While the Council
actualizes this quasi-judicial function through the Supreme
Judicial Council Procedure, 2005, the President does no different
without such procedure. This leaves no margin for a mechanical
act by the President on the advice of the Cabinet.
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 41 - While the Constitution vests the President with the power to
form an “opinion”, it is difficult to imagine that this power is to be
exercised by him in a mindless and mechanical manner, thus
reducing him to just a rubber-stamp, who upon receiving
information is to simply direct the Council to inquire into the
conduct of a constitutional court judge. His role under Article
209(5) is not to execute an executive function, but act as an arbiter
on a conflict between two State institutions. Failure of the
President to form his “opinion” in this case has resulted in the
President rubber stamping unconstitutional and illegal
“information” into a Reference by directing the Council to inquire
into the matter of the Petitioner Judge. This has compromised the
neutrality of the office of the President and besmirched his exalted
office. If expression is to be given to the constitutional scheme and
foundational principles discussed above, the constitutional role of
the President is best actualized as an independent arbiter under
Article 209 when he is to form his personal opinion. To this
conclusion, I also find support from the majority judgment of a 13-
Member Full Court Bench of this Court in CJP Iftikhar Chaudhry
case.63 The allegations of malafide in that case were made against
the President, and the Court accepting those allegations quashed
the Reference impugned therein. If the President had to act, in the
opinion of the Court, on and in accordance with the advice of the
Prime Minister, the proof of malafide against the President would
not have entailed the result of quashment of the Reference.
Further, in summarizing the various steps in the process of
making a Reference by the President, the Court mentioned,
amongst other steps, receipt of information by the President,
formation of opinion by the President and direction (Reference) by
the President; no step regarding advice of the Prime Minister was
mentioned.64 Entry 35 in Schedule V-B to the ROB that provides
that President is to act on advice of the Prime Minister for making
Reference to the Council under Article 209(5) is, therefore, ultra
vires the Constitution and is so declared. - In the present case, the President did not apply his mind and
form his own opinion on the “information” received; he simply
63 See CJP Iftikhar Chaudhry case (supra) , per Khalil-ur-Rehman Ramday, J, paras 107, 196.
64 See Ibid., paras 64, 65.
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 42
approved the advice of the Prime Minister and signed the draft
Reference submitted with that advice. The formation of opinion
and the direction to the Council to hold an inquiry was, therefore,
not that of the President; both these acts are declared to have been
made without jurisdiction and coram non judice, and thus
unconstitutional and of no legal effect.
“Information” does not constitute Misconduct
- Without prejudice to the findings and declarations given
above that the information (evidence) collected against the
Petitioner Judge by the ARU with the blessing of the Law Minister
was legally inadmissible, it is underlined that the said information
even if considered, does not constitute misconduct. The allegations
against the Petitioner Judge in the “information” put up as a
“Summary for the Prime Minister” that ultimately took the form of
the Reference relate to the alleged violation of the Income Tax
Ordinance, 2001 (“ITO”), Anti-Money Laundering Act, 2010
(“AMLA”) and the Foreign Exchange Regulation Act, 1947 (“FERA”).
There is no charge of corruption or acquisition of the foreign
properties by the Petitioner Judge in names of his spouse and
children as ostensible owners (benamidar). The stance of the
Petitioner Judge is that no violation of the said laws is made out
against him and no misconduct on his part can be spelt out from
the assertions and allegations made in the Reference.
Income Tax Ordinance, 2001 - The alleged violation of Section 116(1)(b) of the ITO is the
mainstay of the Reference filed against the Petitioner Judge.
Provisions of the said Section are equivocal, and attract different
constructions. There has not yet been any judicial interpretation of
it. The parties have, therefore, proposed different interpretations
on it. It would be advantageous to cite the provisions of Section
116(1)(b) of the ITO before embarking on discussion on the
proposed interpretations, for ready reference: - Wealth statement.— (1) The Commissioner may, by notice
in writing, require any person being an individual to furnish, on
the date specified in the notice, a statement (hereinafter referred
to as the “wealth statement”) in the prescribed form and verified
in the prescribed manner giving particulars of —
………………………………………………………………………….
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 43
(b) the total assets and liabilities of the person’s spouse,
minor children, and other dependents as on the date or dates
specified in such notice;
(2) Every resident taxpayer being an individual filing a return of
income for any tax year shall furnish a wealth statement and
wealth reconciliation statement for that year along with such
return.
At the outset, it is pointed out that Section 116(1), ITO simply
provides for issuance of notice to a taxpayer for filing the wealth
tax statement or wealth reconciliation statement alongwith the
income tax return and provides for particulars to be included in
such a statement. In case a taxpayer has already filed the above
statements alongwith his return, Section 116(1) appears to have no
relevance. It is not the case of the Federation that the Petitioner
Judge failed to file the wealth tax statement or wealth
reconciliation statement. In case the said statements are deficient
or incorrect, the tax department can issue notice to the taxpayer
under Section 120(3) and consider the case in the light of Section
111 of the ITO. No such notice or proceedings were initiated by the
FBR against the Petitioner Judge. Directly leveling allegation of
violation of Section 116(1)(b) against the Petitioner Judge in this
background is misconceived besides being premature. - It was argued on behalf of the Petitioner Judge, by referring
to the principle of noscitur a sociis (known by its associates), that
the meaning of the word “spouse” should be determined by
considering the words “minor children, and other dependents” with
which the former word is associated in clause (b) of Section 116(1).
Therefore, an individual resident taxpayer, as per his version, is to
mention the assets of his or her spouse in the wealth statement
only if the latter is his or her “dependent”. The stance of the
Federation, on the other hand, was that the word “spouse” should
be given its literal meaning. The Legislature has not used the word
“dependant” with the word “spouse”. Every individual resident
taxpayer, as per its stance, is to mention the assets of his or her
spouse in the wealth statement irrespective of the fact that the
latter is or is not his or her “dependent”. The possible
interpretations do not end here. Rather, two other interpretations
were also put to these provisions by the FBR while prescribing the
forms of wealth statement. In the form prescribed for the tax year
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 44
2013, a taxpayer was required to declare the assets of his or her
spouse if he or she had not filed income-tax return and wealth
statement independently; while, in the form prescribed for the tax
year 2015, a taxpayer was required to declare only those assets of
his or her spouse which had been acquired by funds provided by
that taxpayer. There are, as such, at least four possible
interpretations of the provisions of Section 116(1)(b) of the ITO. - The matter of alleged tax violation has not reached this
Court in its usual legal course routing through the tax authorities,
tax tribunal and the High Court. I would therefore not give any
definite finding on the said, or any other, possible interpretations
of Sections 116(1)(b) of the ITO. I would rather examine the
reasonability of forming the opinion of commission of misconduct
against the Petitioner Judge on the basis of alleged violation of the
provisions of Section 116(1)(b), and in doing so would test the
formation of opinion on all the said four canvassed interpretations. - One foreign property was purchased by the spouse of the
Petitioner Judge in the year 2004, before his elevation to the Bench
of the Balochistan High Court in 2009; this property was therefore
completely irrelevant for forming opinion of misconduct and
making the Reference against the Petitioner Judge. The other two
foreign properties were acquired by the spouse and children of the
Petitioner Judge in the year 2013, after his said elevation; they
were, therefore, to be declared in the tax year 2013 by the
Petitioner Judge if there was any legal obligation on him, at that
time, to do so. The children of the Petitioner Judge were not minors
in the year 2013; therefore, no question as to his obligation to
declare their assets arises under Section 116(1)(b) of the ITO. The
current dispute relates to his alleged obligation to declare the
assets of his spouse only. Therefore, the question is whether the
Petitioner Judge was under any legal obligation to declare the
foreign assets of his spouse in his wealth statement along with his
tax returns filed in the tax year 2013. The simple and
straightforward answer as per its own interpretation of the FBR
that was in vogue in 2013 is that he was not. As afore-mentioned
the FBR, in the wealth statement form prescribed for the tax year
2013, required a taxpayer to declare the assets of his or her spouse
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 45
if he or she had not filed income-tax return and wealth statement
independently. It is an admitted fact that the spouse of the
Petitioner Judge had filed her income-tax return and wealth
statement independently, in the year 2013. It, therefore, appears
that there was no legal obligation on the Petitioner Judge to
declare the assets of his spouse in his wealth statement as per the
requirement of the FBR prevailing in the year 2013. The
departmental second interpretation expressed in the form
prescribed for the tax year 2015 is that a taxpayer is required to
declare only those assets of his or her spouse which had been
acquired by funds provided by that taxpayer. There was neither
any allegation in, nor was any material annexed with, the
“Summary” initiated for forming the opinion of misconduct against
the Petitioner Judge that the funds for purchase of the foreign
assets were provided by the Petitioner Judge to his spouse. No
opinion of misconduct against the Petitioner Judge, thus, could
have been made on the basis of these two departmental
interpretations of the provisions of Section 116(1)(b), ITO. It may be
pertinent to mention here that though the courts of law are not
bound by departmental interpretations and constructions of the
laws yet they give due weight and consideration to such
interpretations and constructions, and do not disregard them
without cogent reasons. Such constructions have their basis in the
necessary practice of executive and administrative officers
construing statutes to execute and apply them, in advance of the
judicial construction. These officers are usually expert on the
subject dealt with by the law, and their practical construction of
the law provides a sound basis for judicial interpretation.65 - The interpretation offered by the Petitioner Judge is that an
individual resident taxpayer is to mention the assets of his or her
spouse in the wealth statement if the latter is his or her
“dependent”. For examining this interpretation, it would be useful
to refer that during the hearing, the spouse of the Petitioner Judge
requested the Court for allowing her to appear before the Court
through video-link and make a statement. Her request was
allowed. She then made her statement and referred to certain
documents, copies of which were subsequently submitted in
65 NS Bindra’s Interpretation of Statutes, p.859-861 (10th Ed. 2007).
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 46
separate sealed envelopes to all Judges sitting in this Full Court
Bench the next day. The documents submitted were: (i) copies of
income tax returns and wealth statements for Tax Years 2018 and
2019; (ii) title documents in respect of agricultural land owned by
her; (iii) evidence of liquid investment with National Savings Centre
together with income derived therefrom; and (iv) certificate from a
scheduled bank confirming movement of funds in her private
foreign currency account etc. The wealth statements submitted by
her include the foreign properties owned by her, the non-disclosure
whereof in his wealth statements by the Petitioner Judge is the
main basis for filing of the Reference against him. The FBR, in
response to her statement, also submitted her available tax record.
These documents include her income tax returns and wealth
statements for various tax years including the Tax Years 2018 and
2019, and statutory notices requiring filing of tax returns for
certain years when these were not voluntarily filed. The said
documents and record amplify the version of the Petitioner Judge
that his spouse is a separate and independent taxpayer/assesse in
the records of the FBR, who has been separately and
independently filing tax declarations in relation to income derived
by her from her own sources. The tax record furnished by the FBR
does not rebut this assertion, rather supports the same. In the
background of this admitted position, the spouse of the Petitioner
Judge cannot be said to be his dependent. Thus, the FBR could
not have asked the Petitioner Judge to declare her assets in his
wealth statement filed with the tax return in the tax year 2013,
and sought explanation from him regarding the sources of
purchase of the assets by his spouse. In arriving the conclusion
that the spouse of the Petitioner Judge was not his dependent in
the year 2013, I am supported by the following observations made
in the case of Imran Khan v. Nawaz Sharif:66
- As far as the issue regarding respondent No.6 namely
Mariam Safdar allegedly being a ‘dependent’ of her father namely
Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif is concerned I have found that
the material produced before us sufficiently established that
respondent No.6 was a married lady having grown up children,
she was a part of a joint family living in different houses situated
in the same compound, she contributed towards some of the
expenses incurred by the joint family, she submitted her
independent tax returns, she owned sizeable and valuable
property in her own name, she was capable of surviving on her
66 PLD 2017 SC 265.
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 47
own and, thus, she could not be termed or treated as a
‘dependent’ of her father merely because she periodically received
gifts from her father and brothers. In this view of the matter
nothing turned on respondent No.1 not mentioning respondent
No.6 as his dependent in the nomination papers filed by him for
election to NA-120 before the general elections held in the country
in the year 2013. (emphasis supplied)
- In terms of the scheme envisaged in the ITO, once an asset is
claimed by a person to have been sourced by him or her and, more
so, such asset is also declared in the statutory declaration/wealth
statement by that person, then only that person could be
questioned and required to explain the source of acquiring such
asset by the tax authorities. In the event that person fails to
properly explain the source, an addition could be made in his or
her income and that added income is taxed accordingly. Under no
circumstances, any other person could be made directly or
indirectly part of such proceedings. Thus, no opinion of
misconduct against the Petitioner Judge could have been formed
on the basis of this interpretation of the provisions of Section
116(1)(b), ITO. - The interpretation suggested by the Federation is that every
individual resident taxpayer is to mention the assets of his or her
spouse in the wealth statement irrespective of the fact that the
latter is or is not his or her “dependent”. Section 114 of the ITO
requires that the tax return for any tax year has to be accompanied
by the wealth statement required under Section 116. In case a
wealth statement is not filed or is deficient, the income tax return
filed is not considered complete. In case of any deficiency, the
Commissioner, FBR is empowered to issue a notice to the taxpayer
under Section 120(3) of the ITO, informing the deficiency and
providing him time to rectify it. If it is cured during the given time,
the tax return is considered complete and accepted. Therefore, if
the Commissioner, FBR had been of the view, as per the
interpretation suggested by the Federation, that the Petitioner
Judge was under legal obligation to declare the assets acquired by
his spouse in the year 2013, in his wealth statement filed with tax
return of 2013, he should have issued notice to the Petitioner
Judge specifying the defect and providing him time to rectify it. The
Petitioner Judge, in that case, could have defended that notice on
all legal grounds available to him including the interpretation
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 48
proposed by him as well as the interpretations put to the
provisions of Section 116(1)(b) by the FBR itself in the forms
prescribed for wealth statement. No such notice, however, was
issued to the Petitioner Judge. Further, if the Commissioner, FBR
on the basis of some “definite information” had been satisfied that
that the tax return and wealth statement filed by the Petitioner
Judge in the year 2013 were not accurate and some income
chargeable to tax had escaped taxation, he could have issued an
amended assessment order under Section 122(5) of the ITO, after
hearing the Petitioner Judge, within a period of five years
prescribed in Section 122(2) of the ITO. No such legal exercise was
done. Therefore, without any determination of, or even initiation of
legal proceedings on, the alleged violation of Section 116(1)(b) by
the Commissioner, FBR either under Section 120 or under Section
122 against the Petitioner Judge, no opinion of misconduct against
the Petitioner Judge could have been formed on the basis of the
interpretation suggested by the Federation also. - In the last on the current head of discussion, I consider it
important to highlight that Section 116A which requires a resident
individual taxpayer to furnish statement of foreign assets, was
inserted in the ITO in the year 2018 by the Finance Act, 2018. This
amendment made in the year 2018 prima facie shows that there
was earlier no obligation on a resident individual taxpayer to
furnish such statement of even his own foreign assets, much less
the foreign assets of his spouse and children.
Anti-Money Laundering Act, 2010 - The Federation argued that being a case of ‘concealed
income’, the matter also falls under the AMLA by referring to
following entries in the Schedule to the AMLA:
Section XIIA The Income Tax Ordinance, 2001 - Prosecution for false statement in verification-where tax
sought to be evaded is ten million rupees or more
192A. Prosecution for concealment of Income-where tax sought to
be evaded is ten million rupees or more - Prosecution for improper use of National Tax Number
Certificate – where tax sought to be evaded is ten million rupees
or more
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 49 - Prosecution for abetment – where tax sought to be evaded is
ten million rupees or more.
The argument is hopelessly misconceived and misdirected. The
aforesaid entries in the Schedule were inserted vide Notification
No. SRO 425(I)/2016 dated May 14, 201667 through which offences
under Sections 192, 192A, 194 and 199 of the ITO were listed as
“predicate offences” for the purposes of invocation of the AMLA. In
the present case, admittedly all three foreign properties were
acquired prior to May 14, 2016; therefore, the AMLA is not
applicable at all. Needless to mention, that the principle of
prohibiting retrospective punishment is a guaranteed fundamental
right under Article 12 of the Constitution. Even otherwise, it is
manifestly clear that the Legislature has put a precondition that
‘tax sought to be evaded is ten million rupees or more’ in all the
four entries mentioned above. Thus, for the invocation of the AMLA
the law presupposes conclusion of proceedings under the relevant
provisions of the ITO to determine the said threshold and that too
in relation to tax liability for the period on or after May 14, 2016.
No such determination has taken place; hence, there is no
application of the AMLA to the present case.
Foreign Exchange Regulations Act, 1947 - The FERA provides for regulation of payments and dealings
in foreign exchange and securities, and the import and export of
currency and bullion. Sections 4 and 5 of the FERA provide that
no one can deal in foreign exchange68 except through an
authorized dealer and imposes restrictions on transfer of money
outside Pakistan. There is no evidence on the record that
establishes or even prima facie shows any violation of the FERA
against the Petitioner Judge. The Federation pointed out no
violation of the FERA, even during the arguments. - In view of the above analysis of the relevant provisions of the
ITO, AMLA and FERA, no violation of any provision of those laws is
made out against the Petitioner Judge on the basis of the
assertions and allegations made in the “information” given in the
“Summary for the Prime Minister” that ultimately took the form of
67 Published in Official Gazette on May 20, 2016.
68 Defined in section 2(d) of FERA to mean foreign currency , etc.
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 50
the Reference; therefore, no opinion as to the prima facie
commission of any misconduct by the Petitioner Judge could have
reasonably been made on the basis of that “information.”
Code of Conduct and Vicarious Responsibility of a Judge
- A constitutional court judge can be removed from office if he
or she commits “misconduct” as provided under Article 209 of the
Constitution. “Misconduct” is a constitutional term and must draw
its spirit and meaning from the Constitution. It is important that
the meaning of constitutional “misconduct,” the scheme of the
Code of Conduct and the scope of the impeachable misconduct of a
constitutional court judge must flow from the standard of judicial
integrity set out by the Constitution. The constitutional standard of
judicial integrity lies in the oath of a constitutional court judge, as
discussed earlier; falling short of it would amount to impeachable
misconduct. Under Article 209(8) of the Constitution, the Council
issues a Code of Conduct, which is to be observed by the judges of
the constitutional courts. This Code of Conduct for the Judges of
the Supreme Court and High Courts69 (“Code”) carries additional
standards and etiquettes for Judges to follow in order to uphold
the prestige and honour of the judicial institution. The Code
formulated by the Supreme Judicial Council cannot control the
constitutional meaning of the term “misconduct” but provides a
helpful guideline. The Code is a basket of judicial obligations,
etiquettes, and courtesies of varying degrees and effect, covering
both judicial character and judicial behavior of a Judge.70 While
some Articles of the Code directly impinge on judicial integrity,
others simply pass as mere guidelines of good behavior, civility and
mannerism in conducting the court. It cannot be said that every
deviation of the Code, how insignificant it may be, would constitute
impeachable misconduct. For example, a judge’s failure to decline
to act in a case involving his own interest71 may constitute an
impeachable misconduct, while in case a judge who gets a
speeding ticket for driving fast and offends the requirement of
being law-abiding may not be liable for an impeachable
69 Framed under the Constitution of 1962 and amended from time to time. Final version to date is
till the last amendment made in the year 2009.
70 See the preamble to the Code.
71 Article III of the Code.
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 51
misconduct. Similarly, a judge who is not punctilious enough in
sitting and rising in court, cannot be removed on this pretext,
unless ofcourse, these violations are so frequent and regular that
they weigh heavily on the public confidence and legitimacy of the
judicial institution. So each case has to be seen in its own peculiar
facts after examining the nature of the violation. It is underlined
that the Code largely lays down judicial obligations and etiquettes
for the Judge in his official capacity. Only Article II of the Code
provides generalized yet more personal standards like “a Judge
must be God-fearing, law-abiding, abstemious, truthful of tongue,
wise in opinion, cautious and forbearing, blameless and untouched
by greed.” These saintly qualities are personal to the Judge. We
must also remember that judges are humans at the end of the day,
no matter how glorified and hallowed their office and the Code may
make them appear. Chief Justice McLachlin72 said: “Judges are
not living Oracles. They are human beings, trained in the law, who
struggle to understand the situations before them and to resolve
them in accordance with the law and their conscience.”73
Impeachable misconduct is when there is a violation of law or
violation of the Code that is so grave that it ruptures judicial
integrity, tarnishes public confidence and pulls down legitimacy of
the judicial institution. Short of this, it might be misconduct but
not impeachable misconduct. Like under the service laws, gravity
of misconduct determines the penalty, which ranges from mere
censure all the way to dismissal from service. It is commonsensical
that not every infraction leads to removal of a constitutional court
judge or constitutes impeachable misconduct. The best test is to
see if the judicial integrity of a judge has been undermined
resulting in lowering the public confidence and trust in the
judiciary, thus impairing impartiality and legitimacy of the judicial
institution.
- Judicial integrity and the Code are judge specific, largely
covering judicial conduct and partly his personal behavior. The
standards under the Code extend to the judge and judge alone.
The Code has no jurisdiction over the family, relatives and friends
of the judge. It is certainly ideal but it would be unfair to expect
72 Chief Justice of Canada (2000-2017).
73Judging in a Democratic State: Remarks of the Right Honourable Beverley McLachlin, P.C.
Chief Justice of Canada.
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 52
that the spouse and children of the Judge must be equally “Godfearing, law-abiding, abstemious, truthful of tongue, wise in
opinion, cautious and forbearing, blameless and untouched by
greed.” The Code has no concern with the family or friends of the
judge. Infact, it is totally impractical to think otherwise. Let us
assume that the spouse or the family of a judge were remiss in
managing their financial and tax affairs. In the absence of any
charge or evidence of corruption against the judge, if the judge had
time and again asked his spouse and family to be more careful and
responsible in their tax matters, but they for some reason did not
do so, what is the judge supposed to do in such a situation?
Should the judge abandon his spouse and the family? Does the
Code provide an answer? Does the Code expect and require that
families of the judges must be exemplary and ideal members of the
society? And if they do not come up to the expectation or if there is
even the slightest of infraction on their part, the judge is liable for
their misconduct? Is this responsibility part and parcel of the
terms and conditions of service of a constitutional court judge? I
think not. The Code is judge specific document and does not
extend to family members and in no event, holds a judge
vicariously responsible for the conduct of his family – his spouse
and children – who are independent, natural and legal persons in
their own right and can do whatever they want. “Conduct” and
“misconduct” are personal to a judge under the Code. Like any
other citizen, a judge cannot be held accountable for the conduct
of someone else, there is no such thing as vicarious responsibility
of a judge, unless the law requires it or there is evidence that the
wrongdoings of the judge have been concealed behind the family
façade. In the case of Chief Justice of Gibraltar,74 Lord Hope (with
whom Lord Rodger and Lady Hale agreed) while answering the
question that to what extent, and in what circumstances, is a
judge to be held accountable for the actions of his or her spouse or
other close relatives, observed: “The days are long gone when a
husband and wife were treated as one person in law and the
husband was that person. It is not unknown for senior figures in
public life to have spouses or partners who pursue their own
careers and interests, in the course of which they may say or do
74 Hearing on the Report of the Chief Justice of Gibraltar, [2009] UKPC 43. (4-3 minority view)
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 53
things that, are controversial and embarrassing. Any difficulties
that this may give rise to should be resolved between themselves, if
they can be resolved at all, in private. Judges are not to be taken
as supporting or endorsing their spouse’s or partner’s conduct if
they do not publicly dissociate themselves from it. The law should
recognize that they are independent actors and that the deeds of
the one are not to be visited on the other.” I fully subscribe to his
views. Unless the personal or official conduct of the judge
threatens public confidence in the judicial institution or the
legitimacy of the judicial institution, the question of impeachable
misconduct does not begin to arise.
Publicizing the Reference
- The matter of leaking and publicizing the filing of the
Reference against the Petitioner Judge and of the allegations made
therein is also of great concern and requires serious consideration.
The Council has structured its discretion to process any
“information” received in the form of a complaint, to make the
preliminary assessment thereof and to conduct the “inquiry” by its
Procedure of Inquiry, 2005. Paragraph 13 of the Procedure of
Inquiry, 2005 provides for the proceedings of the Council to be
conducted in camera and also bans reporting the proceedings of
the Council. Validity of the Procedure of Inquiry, 2005 particularly
of its Paragraph 13 was challenged in Justice Siddiqui Case,75 but
was upheld by this Court. Purpose of Paragraph 13 was stated to
protect both the Judge whose conduct and capacity is to be
inquired into and the institution of the judiciary. The Court held
that the necessity of in camera proceedings prevails over the right
to information provided by Article 19A of the Constitution, and
observed that due to an open trial the name of a Judge facing
inquiry could be maligned even though the allegations may
eventually be rejected by the Council. The Court directed in clear
terms that “the process of determination whether any prima facie
case has been made for proceedings under Article 209 of the
Constitution in any event should be held in camera”. The Court
thus put an absolute restriction of confidentiality on the process of
preliminary assessment of the allegations made against a
75 Shaukat Aziz Siddiqui v. Federation of Pakistan, PLD 2018 SC 538.
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 54
constitutional court judge. This restriction, therefore, equally
applies to publicizing the Reference filed by the President and the
allegations made therein. In the context of publicizing, proceedings
of preliminary assessment of “information” conducted by the
President is similar and equal to proceedings by the Council.
Therefore, if the proceedings are to be conducted by the Council in
camera, then so should be the proceedings by the President.
- Under Article 204(2)(b) of the Constitution, the constitutional
courts have power to punish any person who scandalizes the Court
or otherwise does anything which tends to bring the Court or a
Judge of the Court into hatred, ridicule or contempt. Publicizing a
complaint or Reference and the allegations made therein, of which
veracity is yet to be determined after inquiry by the Council,
definitely tends to bring the Judge into hatred, ridicule and
contempt, and thus attracts the provisions of Article 204 of the
Constitution and the Contempt of Court Ordinance, 2003.
Needless to say that hostile publicity of a matter through modern
media can orchestrate an unprecedented level of hostility towards
a particular individual, and even an institution.76 The restriction of
confidentiality is to achieve a certain objective, i.e., preserving the
integrity and honour of the judicial institution by maintaining
public confidence. Publicizing a complaint or Reference
undermines public confidence in the judiciary and lowers the
esteem of the individual judge. The prestige and integrity of the
judiciary is thus undermined without any concrete findings of
misconduct against a Judge. The restriction is also to preserve,
protect and safeguard the authority and dignity of the Judge who
continues performing his functions on the Bench during the
inquiry against him, as there is no provision in the Constitution to
suspend his judicial powers during the inquiry proceedings.77 - In the present case, it is a matter of record that the Reference
was publicized even when it had not yet been placed before the
Council for preliminary consideration, as the filing of the Reference
and the allegations made therein against the Petitioner Judge was
76 See David Corker and David Young, Abuse of Process and Fairness in Criminal Proceedings,
Butterworths Law (2000).
77 See Hlophe v. Constitutional Court of South Africa, (2008) ZAGPHC 289; and, Justice Paul
Uuter Dery v. Tiger Eye P.I., 2016 SC (J1/29/2015), Ghana Supreme Court.
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 55
published in several newspapers on May 28, 29, 30 and 31, and
June 1 and 3, 2019 and later during the proceedings before the
Council the matter was discussed in press conferences and TV talk
shows by the Government Ministers and even by the President of
Pakistan. The act of publicizing the filing of the Reference against
the Petitioner Judge and of the allegations made therein, is clearly
unconstitutional and falls within the scope of the provisions of
Article 204 of the Constitution and the Contempt of Court
Ordinance, 2003. The fact as to who leaked and publicised this
matter is disputed and cannot be resolved in the present
proceedings, but the matter cannot be left unnoticed and allowed
to go unchecked. Such omission would encourage repetition of the
mischief in future. Thus, I would leave the matter to the discretion
of the Hon’ble Chief Justice of Pakistan who is pater familias of the
judiciary and is to protect its prestige, honour, reputation and
integrity, to initiate appropriate proceedings for a thorough inquiry
of the matter so that the right to fair trial of the persons involved in
publicizing the Reference and the allegations made therein, may
not be infringed.
Is the Reference Malafide?
- An administrative authority must act in a bonafide manner
and should never act for an improper motive or ulterior purpose or
contrary to the requirement of the statute or improperly exercise
discretion to achieve some ulterior purpose. The determination of
the plea of malafide involves two questions, namely – (i) whether
the administrative action is contrary to the object and
requirements of law, and (ii) whether there is a personal bias or an
oblique motive. Malafide of law is constituted when a person
inflicts an injury upon another person in flagrant contravention of
the law; he is not allowed to say that he did so with an innocent
mind. He is taken to know the law and act within the law. He may,
therefore, be guilty of malafide of law, although so far as the state
of mind is concerned, he acts ignorantly and in that sense
innocently. Thus, action of an authority is tainted with malafide of
law when it takes the action which is so unreasonable, improbable
or blatantly illegal that it ceases to be an action contemplated by
the law under which it is purportedly taken, or takes the action by
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 56
violating the mandatory procedural requirements or without
satisfying the jurisdictional requirements, or takes the action
which no reasonable person could have taken on the basis of the
available material.78 On the other hand, an unlawful action done
designedly, willfully or wantonly and not accidently, thoughtlessly
or negligently falls within the domain of malafide of fact. In such
case, the action is taken in bad faith either to hurt the person
against whom the action is taken or to benefit oneself or another,
or in colourable exercise of powers for collateral or ulterior
purposes not authorized by the law under which the action is
purportedly taken.79 If the act suffers from malafide of law, the
mischief is corrected by nullifying the act; malafide of fact,
however, further entails the consequences of making the actor
accountable also. - It is true that malafide is difficult to prove against a public
functionary because there is a presumption of regularity with
regard to all official acts under Article 129(e) of the Qanun-eShahdat Order, 1984.80 However, this presumption of regularity is
available only to official acts done by a person or authority
competent to do that. The presumption of regularity cannot be
attached to the acts done by the persons and authorities who have
no legal authority to do those acts, rather a reverse presumption
for lack of bonafide arises. In such a case, the onus to prove
malafide does not remain as high. Malafide is inferential by
construct. It can be drawn from direct or circumstantial
evidence.81 The Court carefully takes into consideration the
surrounding circumstances of the action; the conduct of the
persons involved; the object and purpose to be achieved; and the
nature of the illegality. The court, in a way, reconstructs the whole
act and its backdrop, and then evaluates the fides of the action
and its actors. If malafide on the part of the actors is apparent on
the face of record, then the court of law seized with the matter is
78 See West Pakistan v. Begum Shorish Kashmiri, PLD 1969 SC 14, 32 (5-MB), per Hamoodur
Rahman, J; Sarwar v. Punjab, 1990 SCMR 999, 1001, per Shafiur Rahman, J.; and, Said Zaman v.
Federation, 2017 SCMR 1249, 1279-80 (5-MB), per Sh. Azmat Saeed, J.
79 See Abdul Rauf v. Abdul Hamid, PLD 1965 SC 671, 675 (5-MB), per B. Z. Kaikaus, J.;
Federation v. Saeed Ahmad, PLD 1974 SC 151, 170 (4-MB), per Hamoodur Rahman, C. J.,; Said
Zaman v. Federation, 2017 SCMR 1249, 1279-80 (5-MB), per Sh. Azmat Saeed, J.
80 Federation v. Saeed Ahmad, PLD 1974 SC 151.
81 See CJP Iftikhar Chauhdry case (supra) p.215, Per Muhammad Nawaz Abbasi, J.
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 57
not supposed to shut its eyes from taking notice thereof.82 While
full faith is given to public acts and record of the Government,
this assumption is overturned if malafide is borne out from the
record.
- If we start reading the events after the Faizabad Dharna
judgment, one is compelled to conclude that the Petitioner Judge
was deliberately targeted for his observations and directions made
in that judgment, which perhaps were considered hostile and
troublesome by those in power. This fact is floating on the record of
the review petitions. The vengeance and resentment against the
Petitioner Judge is more than visible from the strange and
unprecedented assertions made for his removal on the ground of
misconduct in the review petitions; soon it took shape of a vague
complaint filed before an incompetent authority (ARU) housed in
the office of the Prime Minister. The vengeance and resentment
continued with the entertainment of the bogus complaint,
unauthorized investigation and collection of evidence through the
surveillance of the Petitioner Judge and his family, illegally seeking
information from statutory institutions and using the illegally
collected evidence for making advice to the President to send the
Reference against the Petitioner Judge. These extraordinary facts
and circumstances in the process of conducting the so-called
accountability of the Petitioner Judge may be summarized in
sequence, as under:
i. The current ruling parties (PTI and MQM) aggrieved of
some observations made by the Petitioner Judge in the
Faizabad Dharna judgement make an unprecedented and
astonishing assertion in their review petitions filed
against that judgment that the Petitioner Judge has
violated his Oath of Office and Code of Conduct for
Judges, and is liable to be removed from office under
Article 209 of the Constitution.
ii. The complainant makes the complaint for “Accountability
of Judges” to the ARU, housed in the Prime Minister’s
Office, and not to the Council, in the very next month of
filing of those review petitions.
82 Hazara Improvement Trust v. Qaisra Elahi, 2005 SCMR 678, p.698.
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 58
iii. The Chairman, ARU (substantive post – Special Assistant
to the Prime Minister) discusses the matter with the Law
Minister informally, without making any formal
consultation through the Cabinet Division (under whom
the ARU was to function as per decision of the Cabinet)
with the Law and Justice Division in accordance with
Rule 14 of the ROB.
iv. The Law Minister gives a “go ahead” to the ARU in an
informal discussion, without realizing the importance of
his advice, even oral, for inquiring into the veracity of the
allegations made in the complaint against Judges of the
Constitutional Courts.
v. The Chairman, ARU who is a Barrister-at-law, and not a
layman, knowing well that an oral advice of the Law
Minister has no value in the eye of law and without
looking for his own legal authority to inquire into the
allegations made against Judges of Constitutional Courts,
initiates the inquiry into the allegations made in the
complaint.
vi. The Chairman, ARU makes the decision alone to initiate
the process of inquiring into the allegations made in the
complaint, and does not obtain the opinion of or consults
with the Members of the ARU as to whether the
institutions they represent can inquire into the
allegations made in a complaint against a constitutional
court judge.
vii. The Chairman, ARU decides to proceed for accountability
of the judges of constitutional courts, and not for recovery
of their alleged foreign assets as per the so-called
mandate of the ARU, for he decides not to inquire about
the alleged properties of another judge named in the same
complaint, while noting that the said judge has already
resigned.
viii. The Members of the ARU make compliance of the
directions of the Chairman, ARU and share with him the
confidential information available in the record of their
Departments, by violating the provisions of the law under
which those Departments function.
ix. The Legal Expert, ARU, who is also a Barrister-at-law, in
compliance with the directions of the Chairman, ARU
causes surveillance of the Petitioner Judge and his family
for locating the properties in London, in violation of their
fundamental rights of liberty, privacy, dignity and
freedom of movement, and in derogation of the provisions
of IFTA.
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 59
x. The Member of the ARU from FIA, Assistant
Commissioner (Inland Revenue), Commissioner (Inland
Revenue), and DG (International Taxes), all four, submit
their reports on May 10, 2019. The Chairman, ARU then
examines all the reports and record submitted to him on
May 10, 2019, makes his final report on May 10, 2019
and submit it to the Law Minister on the very same day,
i.e., May 10, 2019. All proceedings stand concluded in
one day, with admirable alacrity.
xi. The Law Minister (a distinguished lawyer) does not raise
any objection to the inquiry conducted by the ARU for
accountability of a constitutional court judge, on receiving
the report of the Chairman, ARU. He rather, relying upon
the illegally collected evidence in that inquiry, makes a
“Summary for the Prime Minister” proposing to the Prime
Minister to advise the President to form an opinion that
the Petitioner Judge may be guilty of misconduct and
direct the Council to inquire into the matter under Article
209 of the Constitution.
xii. The Law Minister opines that the Petitioner Judge
appears to have committed “grave misconduct” by not
declaring three London properties owned by his spouse
and children and by not explaining the source of their
purchase in his tax record, without appreciating, rather
ignoring, the fact that no office or authority in Pakistan,
under the relevant law, has ever asked the spouse and
children of the Petitioner Judge to explain their sources to
purchase the said properties and their failure to declare
the same in their tax record, if there was any obligation to
declare the foreign assets under the ITO.
xiii. The Prime Minister remains unaware of the actions of his
Special Assistant, the Chairman, ARU working right
under his nose at the Prime Minister’s Office. Further, the
Prime Minister without asking the Law Minister or the
Chairman, ARU about their unconstitutional and illegal
investigation and evidence collection against a
constitutional court judge and without inquiring whether
any office or authority had asked the spouse and children
of the Petitioner Judge to explain the sources of purchase
of those properties and whether the properties owned by
the spouse and children of the Petitioner Judge attract
any liability of the Petitioner Judge, goes ahead, without
any application of mind, to advise the President to form
the opinion and direct the Council, and to sign the draft
Reference.
xiv. The President also does not ask the said questions and
approves the Prime Minister’s advice and signs the draft
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 60
Reference annexed with the Summary without applying
his independent mind, exercising his discretion and
forming his own opinion.
Such blatant violations of the law and Constitution by the
Chairman, and Legal Expert of the ARU, the officers of FBR, FIA
and NADRA, the Law Minister and the Prime Minister; undue haste
in processing the matter; dubious credentials and ring of
anonymity around Mr. Dogar (the complainant); oddity of
approaching ARU instead of the Council; failure on the part of ARU
to convincingly show how they located the addresses of the three
UK properties of the family of the Petitioner Judge; afterthought of
referring to 192.com and again failing to show how 192.com helped;
failure of the ARU to show who searched through 192.com and the
UK HM Land Registry, who registered with them and who paid for
it; keeping names of those persons in secret; resultant necessary
inference of having done the covetous transnational surveillance of
the Petitioner Judge and his family to dig out the addresses of the
three properties with support of the intelligence agencies; and
rushed and mechanical approval of the Summary by the Prime
Minister, all these facts and circumstances when read in the
background of the assertions made by the current ruling political
parties (PTI and MQM) in their review petitions filed against the
Faizabad Dharna judgment, lead to a clear and a convincing
finding that the whole process initiated under the garb of
accountability of the Petitioner Judge suffers from more than mere
malafide of law and jumps up into the realm of malafide of fact
also. In the present case, other than the legal and constitutional
violations, extraneous considerations, as mentioned above, have
come to surface, which reflect vindictiveness and ulterior motive.
Knowing well that there was no determination of tax violation of
the Petitioner Judge and no explanation of the spouse and children
of the Petitioner Judge was ever sought, the matter was still
pushed ahead with the collateral purpose of defiling the honour of
the Petitioner Judge and with the design to pressurize him into
resignation or lead to his removal. These facts go beyond malafide
of law and fall within the ambit of malafide of fact as they show
bad faith and colourable exercise of powers for collateral or ulterior
purposes not authorized by the law under which the actions were
purportedly taken. Therefore, the actions of entertainment of the
complaint, the investigation and surveillance for the collection of
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 61
evidence, the putting up of Summary before the Prime Minister by
the Law Minister and finally the approval of the Summary by the
Prime Minister and placing the “information” before the President
under Article 209(5) of the Constitution for removal of the
Petitioner Judge from office are found to be tainted with both
malafide of law and malafide of fact. All the Government actors
mentioned above are held responsible. As the buck stops with the
Prime Minister in a constitutional parliamentary democracy, the
major burden of these malicious actions fall on his shoulders who
also happens to be the leader of a political party that had filed the
review petition with an astonishingly unique prayer seeking ouster
of the Petitioner Judge for expressing an independent view.
Held
- In view of the above findings, all the acts and steps from the
entertainment of the complaint till the sanction of the “Summary”
for placement of the “information” before the President by the
Prime Minister are declared illegal, without jurisdiction, malafide of
law and fact, and thus unconstitutional and of no legal effect.
While, the acts of the President approving the advice of the Prime
Minister, and signing and sending the Reference against the
Petitioner Judge are declared without jurisdiction and coram non
judice, and thus unconstitutional and of no legal effect. The
outcome of the said declarations is that:
(i) the Reference against the Petitioner Judge is quashed,
and as a result the proceedings, including the Show
Cause Notice, before the Council stand abated;
(ii) the authorities concerned are directed to initiate criminal
and disciplinary proceedings against the Chairman, Legal
Expert and Members of the ARU, as well as, against the
other defaulting officials of FBR and NADRA for their
illegal acts, under the IFTA, ITO and NADRA Ordinance,
2000; and,
(iii) the Registrar of this Court is directed to place the matter
before the Hon’ble Chief Justice of Pakistan for
considering to initiate appropriate proceedings for a
thorough inquiry of the matter of leaking and publicizing
the Reference and the allegations made therein, and for
taking legal action against the persons found involved
therein.
I allow all the constitutional petitions in these terms.
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 62
Reasons for my Disagreement with the Short Order83 - Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg84 once commented, “Judges
disagree without being disagreeable.” While this is largely true for
us judges, history is not as forgiving. Through Short Order dated
19.06.2020 the Reference against the Petitioner Judge was
quashed by unanimous opinion of all the members of this Full
Court Bench. However, the Majority added certain directions to the
FBR and the Council whereby the Commissioner, FBR was
directed to issue notices under ITO to the spouse and children of
the Petitioner Judge regarding the acquisition of the three foreign
properties. He was also directed to decide the notices and the
Chairman FBR was directed to submit a report of the decision to
the Council. While the Council was asked to consider the matter by
invoking its suo moto powers with or without there being a report
filed by the Chairman, FBR. All these directions were to be
actualized within a specified time-line provided in the Short Order.
With respect, I could not persuade myself to concur with these
directions. Here under are my reasons for the disagreement. - The spouse and children of the Petitioner Judge like all other
citizens of Pakistan are independent persons and enjoy an
inalienable right to the protection of law. As they were not party to
the instant proceedings and were never summoned or made a
party to the proceedings by the Court, any adverse order against
them, will deprive them of their inalienable right to due process
under the Constitution and the law, and will contravene the wellentrenched and deep rooted principle of audi alteram partem. The
Court cannot go against the grain, values and scheme of our
Constitution and the established principles of law. After the
Reference against the Petitioner Judge was unanimously quashed
by this Full Court Bench, the case set out against the Petitioner
Judge came to an end. In the absence of any allegations of
corruption against the Petitioner Judge or of his holding foreign
properties in the names of his wife and children as a trustee or a
benamidar, this Court, and for that matter the Council, have no
83 Paragraphs 4-11, thereof.
84 Former Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States (1933-2020)
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 63
concern with the assets and properties of the spouse and the
children of the Petitioner Judge.
- The FBR does not require any direction from this Court for
taking any proceedings against any individual (including a
constitutional court judge or his spouse and children) for a tax
violation under the Income Tax Ordinance, 2001, if any. Similarly,
the Council is also free and independent to exercise its suo moto
jurisdiction against any judge of the constitutional courts when so
required. It is nobody’s case that either the FBR or the Council
were reluctant or unwilling to perform their functions under the
law and the Constitution. - The principle is more than settled that if an Authority has no
jurisdiction in the matter under the law, the jurisdiction cannot be
conferred on that Authority by an order of the Court.85 Under
Section 122 of ITO an assessment order cannot be reopened after a
lapse of five years by the FBR. Also, regulating the Tax
Commissioner to function and perform his duties within a
prescribed time-line, which is not so provided under the ITO
amounts to entering the realm of judicial legislation. - With respect, direction to the Chairman, FBR to send the
Report to the Council would make the Chairman, FBR a
complainant and the Report a new complaint. The FBR is an
organ and instrumentality of the Federal Government and is not
empowered to directly approach the President under Article 209 of
the Constitution unless the Federal Government i.e., the Cabinet,
approves to place such information before the Council through the
President. The Federal Government of any of its Departments
cannot make a complaint or report in relation to the conduct of a
judge directly to the Council, and it has to place such a complaint
or report in the form of “information” before the President to form
his “opinion” and make direction (Reference) in accordance with
the provisions of Article 209 (5) of the Constitution. Clear letter of
the Constitution cannot be bypassed. A thing required by law to be
85 See Badshah Begum v. Additional Commissioner, 2003 SCMR 629.
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 64
done in a certain manner must be done in the manner as
prescribed by law or not to be done at all.86
- This Court cannot, it is submitted with respect, direct
someone to file a complaint against a constitutional court judge
before the Council and then make the Council consider the said
complaint. This would have a far reaching effect as it would
dismantle the independence and neutrality of the Council and the
constitutional scheme under Article 209 that safeguards a
constitutional court judge. It also flouts the right to fair trial under
Article 10A of the Constitution. The Council is a constitutional
body which enjoys suo moto powers to inquire into the conduct and
capacity of a judge. Acting on its own motion (suo moto) and being
asked to act on its own motion (suo moto) are two inconsistent and
irreconcilable concepts. The Council is structured under the
Constitution to exercise its suo motu powers independent of any
extraneous influence. I am fortified by the observations of Ajmal
Mian, C.J. made in Ikram case.87 The learned Chief Justice while
declining the prayer, in that case, for issuing direction to the
President to make Reference against some constitutional court
judges under Article 209(5) of the Constitution observed that
Article 209(5) “does not admit filing of a Constitutional petition for
a direction to the Supreme Judicial Council or to the President to
initiate proceedings of a judicial misconduct against a Judge of a
superior Court. … This Court or a High Court cannot take upon
itself the exercise to record even a tentative finding that a
particular Judge has committed misconduct warranting filing of a
reference against him under Article 209 of the Constitution.” - In my view, the observation that the right to appeal under
the ITO would be available to the spouse and children of the
Petitioner Judge while simultaneously, the Council may also
commence proceedings – can lead to conflicting results and
thereby, may render the appeal under the ITO otiose and futile.
Besides, the Council does not enjoy any power to issue directions
to any judicial or a quasi-judicial forum to speed up pending
matters against a constitutional court judge.
86 See Assistant Collector v. Khyber Electric, 2001 SCMR 838; S.M.C. No. 18 of 2010,
PLD 2011 SC 927; and, Zia Ur Rehman v. Ahmed Hussain, 2014 SCMR 1015.
87 Ikram Chaudhry v. Federation, PLD 1998 SC 103, para 11.
Const. P. No.17 of 2020, etc. 65
- The proceedings initiated through the short order after the
quashment of the Reference against the Petitioner Judge would
mean that the Council must now consider if a judge can be made
vicariously liable for misconduct for his family’s affairs, a concept
that is alien to the Code of Conduct and has nothing to do with
judicial integrity as discussed above.
In the end - In our constitutional democracy, it is essential that everyone
enjoys his or her domain of freedom, free from Governmental
intrusion – lest it aims to check an unlawful activity. Privacy,
liberty, autonomy and agency are integral parts of dignity and life
and are cherished constitutional values that determine the
frontiers of a living constitutional democracy. There can be no
compromise on either judicial independence or judicial
accountability. These are essential pillars, which together uphold
public confidence and legitimacy of the judicial institution. The
real and enduring strength of the judiciary, however, is anchored
in ruling according to the Constitution and the law without fear or
favour, irrespective of public perception and irrespective of who is
before the court, an ordinary litigant or a judge of the highest
constitutional court of the land. An American poet once said:
The perfect judge fears nothing
- he could go front to front before God;
Before the perfect judge all shall stand back - life and death shall stand back
- heaven and hell shall stand back.88
(Syed Mansoor Ali Shah)89
Judge
Islamabad,
the 04th November, 2020.
Approved for Reporting.
Sadaqat
88 Walt Whitman, “Great are the Myths” in Leaves of Grass.
89 Before parting I wish to appreciate and acknowledge the valuable assistance rendered by Mr.
Zafar Iqbal Khokhar, Research Officer cum Civil Judge, Supreme Court Research Centre. (SCRC)